M. V. Nadkarni
The concept of Broad-Basing and related processes
In an article in the Economic & Political Weekly, I had advanced the concept of a Broad-Basing process, applying it mainly to Dalits (Nadkarni 1997). Broad-Basing (or mainstreaming), however, is a wider process by which more and more social groups that were formerly deprived or marginalised enter the mainstream of social, political and economic life to derive the same advantages as the groups already in the mainstream. It also means that the social basis of the power structure widens, and in the process it becomes more and more inclusive. Sometimes inclusion can be undesirable or adverse when it is very exploitative. By Broad-Basing, we do not mean such inclusion. Evidently Broad-Basing and development, especially desirably inclusive and democratic development, would go in the same direction. Though economic growth is an inevitable part of development because the former fuels the latter â at least in developing countries if not the developed or advanced â mere economic growth in terms of increase in gross national product (GNP) by itself will not cause Broad-Basing. It will cause it only if the income growth is shared so well with people at the bottom of the society that poverty and absolute deprivation are wiped out and significant gains occur in their levels of living. Though equitable sharing of growth is more desirable, which should indeed be the policy goal, and it would indeed be effective and real Broad-Basing, it may rarely take place in most countries. If, however, even absolute gains do not take place significantly and, poverty and absolute deprivation are not wiped out, then it is not a case of Broad-Basing at all. Under moderate Broad-Basing, the lower half of the population may not share the growth in income more than or even to the same extent as the upper classes, but they should at least be significantly enough better off compared to the past to be able to enjoy decent if not lavish standards of living with adequate education and good health for all. A more real Broad-Basing occurs when even relative disparities in income and levels of living are significantly reduced. Broad-Basing occurs alongside and often in response to the challenge of the opposite process of marginalisation. The two processes operate at the expense of each other. Broad-Basing operates to widen the power base, with the number of the marginalised sharply declining. Society then becomes less polarised and more democratic in the bargain. In other words, marginalisation is reversed here significantly if not ended altogether, and even the needs of the remaining marginalised are taken care of well so that there is no serious deprivation. In such a case, the Broad-Basing process can be said to be the dominating feature of social change. If on the other hand, social, political and economic forces so operate that marginalisation is dominant, the power structure gets narrower and society becomes intensely polarised and less democratic. The most important question for a student of social change is to see which of the two scenarios prevails in the society concerned at any point of time, and if the Broad-Basing that has taken place is just moderate or real.
This volume as a whole is an attempt to answer such a question in the context of India. The analysis of the Broad-Basing and marginalisation processes is made here in a holistic perspective, in the sense that unless otherwise stated, the two processes are taken to be operating in society inclusive of polity and economy too. While in pre-independence India marginalisation had prevailed over Broad-Basing, has the picture changed during the 70 years of independence? Dalits (inclusive of Scheduled Tribes, or STs) being the most marginalised section of society, the real test of the Broad-Basing process occurring is to see whether Dalits enter the mainstream with equal rights. However, the volume goes beyond Dalits and tries to see if the process is in operation with regard to other vulnerable sections of the Indian society, particularly women, Muslims and blue-collar workers. The process is examined in relation to inter-regional differences too. This is done in various chapters of this volume.
It is useful to distinguish between Broad-Basing on the one hand and similar processes like social mobility, âtrickle-downâ, empowerment, integration and democratisation. Social mobility is an important means by which Broad-Basing occurs but may at times fall short of Broad-Basing. Social mobility is often concerned with individuals or families and sometimes with individual communities, whereas Broad-Basing refers to the society as a whole and its power structure. Moreover, to the extent that the shifting of livelihood from one context or place to another takes place without any significant change of the groupâs relationship with the others, it falls short of Broad-Basing. The new relationship should be more equitable, resulting in a gain of respectability, wiping out the traditional feudal and hierarchical relationship.
The âtrickle-downâ process has a narrower connotation for similar reasons. It means that as a result of macro processes such as economic growth, certain benefits may accrue to the downtrodden who may be a little better off than before. Often such benefits are in absolute terms, but not in relative terms which can reduce inequality. It may not involve reduction in differences between those who possess power â social, economic and political â and others who are deprived. âTrickle downâ does not suggest empowerment and achievement of equity. Though Broad-Basing involves empowerment, it is useful to distinguish between the two terms. Empowerment of the hitherto deprived is the means by which Broad-Basing is achieved. Empowerment can take place in different contexts. In a violent revolutionary process, empowerment of the hitherto oppressed can be expected to lead to the destruction of the earlier power structure and its replacement by a new one, which may not however be necessarily Broad-Based. On the other hand, in an accommodative process, which is usually peaceful (at least relatively speaking), empowerment leads to the widening of the power structure which will begin to include more and more of the hitherto deprived. Broad-Basing can and should take place as an accommodative process.
However, Broad-Basing need not be an automatic or preordained process and certainly not a result of the âcharityâ of the powerful. It occurs as a result of conscious efforts on the part of deprived social groups and their visionary peers to improve their status.2 It may be a slow process, but not a smooth one, and it has to overcome resistance; at every step it involves relentless struggles to change the existing social order, and in this context it is a revolutionary process3 (for a documentation of these struggles, see Rao 1978; Oommen 1990; Omvedt 1994; Zelliot 1996).
Broad-Basing is different from integration. Families of the deprived castes/classes who join the mainstream of society may retain their separate social and cultural identities and may not become one integrated mass of homogeneous people. To the extent that integration indicates inclusion in the power base of the society sharing benefits and functions on an equitable basis, Broad-Basing can he said to be involving integration. The term âintegrationâ is also used as indicating incorporation into a system of inter-relationship, where it may differ from Broad-Basing. The former untouchables were integrated into the traditional rural Hindu society, with certain duties clearly earmarked for them, whereby they were very much a part of the rural society and economy. Yet they were not a part of the rural power structure and their âintegrationâ could not amount to Broad-Basing, Thus the term âintegrationâ is used with different connotation in different contexts, and does not exactly and unequivocally convey Broad-Basing.
The connotations of Broad-Basing and democratisation come quite close to each other, but they are not identical. Though it can be an end in itself, democratisation can be taken also as a means of achieving and maintaining Broad-Basing. âDemocratisationâ is usually taken to refer to polity and to a lesser extent the society. Its connotation with reference to the economy is not always clear. Broad-Basing, strictly speaking, applies to all three spheres. It means not only the sharing of political power with the hitherto deprived and the end of social indignities heaped on them, but also the sharing of economic power and prosperity. There may be lags in the operation of Broad-Basing between the three spheres. Both liberty and equality are fundamental principles of a democracy, not liberty alone. Both liberty and equality pertain to all three spheres â polity, society and economy, and not to polity alone. It is not enough that all citizens have equal voting power. A democracy based on elections alone has a very narrow foundation, though certainly elections are important, and equal voting power is a minimum necessary requirement for both democracy and Broad-Basing. But it is only a minimum, not an adequate, requirement. The essence of a democracy is that all the citizens have equal human rights â the right to life, decent living conditions, to food and education, to freedom of expression including the freedom to criticise the state policies and their implementation, to free association with others for peaceful and constructive purposes, to own and dispose of property without being under pressure, to employment or an occupation for livelihood and similar related rights. No Broad-Basing is possible and meaningful without these rights. The connection between Broad-Basing and democracy is thus clear.
A democratic state guarantees the aforementioned rights, and the civil society is a repository of such rights. The civil society is the aggregate of free associations of individuals in the societal sphere â of non-governmental organisations and institutions, which can reflect the will and activities of people. An active civil society compels the attention of the state to make and amend appropriate laws, policies and institutions which avoid injustice and promote the welfare of both the society and its individual members. There have been conspicuous social movements in India particularly since the 1980s against caste oppression and inequities, exploitative working conditions, child labour, displacement of people in the name of development without proper compensation and rehabilitation packages, exploitation of women, discrimination against the third gender, environmental destruction, exploitation of farmers due to unfair prices, and against loss of livelihoods or injustice due to any cause. There have been movements also for the right to information and filing public interest litigation, the right to shelter, universal primary education, food security and consumer protection including the protection of patients against medical negligence. These agitations have often led to necessary legislations and have contributed to the Broad-Basing process in India. Article 19 of the Constitution of India provides for the democratic right to protest as a part of the right to freedom. It is only a free civil society that can do that, and a free civil society is possible only in a democracy. Thus a civil society advocates the rights of citizens and fights against their infringement. This may include mobilising public opinion and launching of protest movements. An ideal civic society also provides services in areas where the state is not active enough. Charitable hospitals, dispensaries, schools, hostels, and chhatrams (free residential and/or dining facilities for pilgrims and others) in India are examples of such services and their constructive role. Thus, it is not only the state and its agencies which can promote Broad-Basing, but the civil society too. They fill up the gaps left by the state. It is relevant to remember M. K. Gandhi here. He said: âSwaraj government will be a sorry affair if people look up to it for regulation of every detail of lifeâ (Gandhi 1962: 4). Overdependence on the state leads to loss of freedom, he believed. He wanted a strong and active civil society to ensure freedom.
It is pertinent to observe that for a civil society to be effective, it need not be one homogeneous mass. In fact, diversity helps. In any country, there are different communities and each community can have an association to care for the welfare of its members and to safeguard their interests. In India, there are caste associations for almost every caste or community and they are quite active. They have also played a positive role. The Ezhavasâ movement under the leadership of Narayana Guru in Kerala and the Nadarsâ movement in Tamil Nadu in the first half of the last century for the uplift of their respective communities helped them to overcome their status of low-caste âuntouchablesâ. They are bright examples of how even caste associations have played a positive and constructive role (Nadkarni 2003: 4789). There are several more examples of this type. The caste associations have started schools in rural areas, studentsâ hostels in towns and cities for the benefit of children coming from cities, established hospitals, constructed community halls for the conduct of weddings and other functions, and floated scholarships for students to pursue higher studies. Some of these institutions like schools and hospitals have not been confined to their respective caste members but thrown open to others also. Though the caste associations have further strengthened caste consciousness, they have also contributed to promoting equality between castes and Broad-Basing in the society. They are a part of the diverse civil society in India. Their contributions have not necessarily been at mutual expense, but have on the whole promoted Broad-Basing by helping to draw lower and less developed castes to come into the mainstream of the society, polity and even economy. However, certain caste associations like the khaap panchayats still surviving in some rural regions have played a negative role by trying to prevent inter-caste marriages. In an environment of mutual tolerance and understanding, where it is acknowledged by all that all castes have to co-exist and develop in a co-operative spirit, under the belief that there is scope for development of all, caste associations can play a positive role. But if they regard each other as adversaries to be defeated or suppressed, they can be very harmful to the process of Broad-Basing.
Autonomous of both the executive and legislative arms of the state, and also of the civil society, there is also a strong judicial system in India which promotes the Broad-Basing process. An interesting part of this system is what is called its judicial activism. Judicial activism takes place when the law courts review the state action including both legislation and governance. It is not meant to interfere with the day-to-day affairs of the state but to fill the gaps left by the state and/or to correct the actions of the state to fulfil the goals of the constitution including particularly social justice and ensuring human rights. Article 13 of the constitution along with Articles 32 and 226 gives the power of judicial review to the higher judiciary (the Supreme Court and the High Courts), under which it can âdeclare any legislative, executive or administrative action void if it is in contravention of the Constitution. The power of judicial review is a basic structure of the Indian Constitutionâ (Jaswal and Singh 2017: 1). Judicial activism, however, is not confined to judicial review. The higher judiciary can take into account petitions not only from aggrieved parties but also from public spirited individuals or institutions without locus standi. Often there is reluctance or inability to directly approach courts of law on the part of aggrieved parties for a variety of reasons â lack of awareness of oneâs rights, poverty, lack of adequate access to higher judiciary, or fear of reprisal. That is when the role of public interest litigation (PIL) becomes relevant, which is possible only in a strong and developed civil society. The Supreme Court of India has recognised the need and legitimacy of PIL, which has become a powerful aid for Broad-Basing. Besides this, the higher judiciary can take initiative suo moto and intervene to correct injustice and prevent harm including harm to environment.
An early example of how judicial activism contributed to promoting Broad-Basing in India is the action taken by the Supreme Court in the Bihar Under-Trials case in 1980. A series of articles had appeared in the press about the miserable plight of under-trial prisoners, some of whom had completed the maximum imprisonment due without even being charged. Following a writ petition filed by an advocate, the Supreme Court held that the right to speedy trial is a fundamental right and directed the state to provide legal facilities to under-trials so that they can get a bail or final release (Jaswal and Singh 2017: 6). The High Court judges even visited the prisons to check on the living conditions of prisoners. This was clearly a case of correcting a serious lapse on the part of the government. The Supreme Court recognised the fundamental right of children of 6 to 16 years to universal and free primary education as early as in 1984 (ibid.: 8); it was only recently that this was followed up by a proper legislation by the Parliament when the Right to Education Act was passed in 2009. In fact, such an act should have been passed soon after independence. In 2011, the Supreme Court directed the government to prohibit employment of children in circuses so as to implement the fundamental right of children to education (ibid.: 9). It ...
