Organized Crime and Corruption Across Borders
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Organized Crime and Corruption Across Borders

Exploring the Belt and Road Initiative

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eBook - ePub

Organized Crime and Corruption Across Borders

Exploring the Belt and Road Initiative

About this book

This book explores China's Belt and Road Initiative and the criminogenic potential for economic, financial, and socio-cultural cooperation across countries, where some are known for weak law enforcement and high levels of corruption. It examines whether these flows of capital are increasing the amount of organized crime in the newly linked regions and how law enforcement agencies are responding.

Bringing together experts across the Global South and Europe, this book considers transnational organized crime and corruption across One Belt One Road (OBOR). It examines crime and corruption in China and its international United Front tactic; analyzes various forms of transnational organized crime such as trafficking of illegal drugs, looted antiquities, and wildlife and counterfeit products; and presents studies on corruption and organized crime in selected OBOR countries including Russia, Kazakhstan, Lithuania, Czech Republic, Poland, and Bangladesh.

This book makes a significant contribution to the development of southern criminology and will also be of interest to those engaged with transnational organized crime, political economy, international relations, and Asian and Chinese studies.

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Information

Publisher
Routledge
Year
2019
Print ISBN
9780367142766
eBook ISBN
9780429632235

Part C
Organized crime and corruption in OBOR countries

Chapter 9
Organized crime in contemporary Russia

Yakov Gilinskiy and Dina Siegel

Introduction

Long before China introduced its One Belt One Road (OBOR) initiative, it was obvious that all around the world Chinese influence had been growing in terms of economic markets, transportation, migration, and technology. “OBORization”, therefore, is a natural phenomenon, which inevitably continues exerting an impact on participating countries. Russia is one of the OBOR participants, the importance of which cannot be underestimated. The proposed new networks of rail and pipeline are especially important in southern Russia and the main cities of Moscow and St. Petersburg. Russian authorities promote OBOR as an opportunity to strengthen economic ties with China within the framework of a two-year-old cooperation of five former Soviet countries: Russia, Belarus, Armenia, Kazakhstan, and Kyrgyzstan (with an aggregate population of 183 million people and a gross domestic product of about US$4 trillion). In addition to multilateral agreements in traditional areas of energy and agriculture, China and Russia also have developed bilateral trade agreements in new areas of digital economy and technological innovation (Russia-briefing.com, December 13, 2017). This link between the two countries seems significant and welcome on both sides. However, some critics downplay its importance, claiming that OBOR is aimed at only few energy-related projects involving Russia (China–Mongolia–Russia Economic Corridor, New Eurasian Land Bridge, and the Central and West Asia Economic Corridor), and actually China has ambitions to move to the north, bypassing Russia. Additionally, critics argue that there has been very limited cooperation between the two countries; whereas Chinese companies invested about US$225 billion internationally in 2016, only 2% was invested in Russia (RFE/Radio Liberty, June 26, 2017).
On the political level, however, both countries continuously emphasize the potential success of OBOR in the near future. This optimism totally ignores the real obstacles to the initiative, namely traditionally very strong organized crime in Russia and in China, and a high level of corruption in the region, which can further evolve through OBORization. In this chapter, we focus specifically on different forms and activities of organized crime in Russia, which present the main threats to the OBOR initiative. Organized crime is a serious danger, because criminal organizations have considerable wealth, capital, and experience working with businesses, the economy, and politicians.

Organized crime in Russia: definitions and statistics

There is an abundance of definitions of organized crime (Abadinsky, 1994; Albanese, 2000; Arlacchi, 1986; Block, 1994; Smith, 1975). We use one of the definitions, which refers to organized crime as the functioning of stable, hierarchical associations engaged in crime as a form of business that sets up a system of protection against public control by means of corruption.1 Gary Becker (1987) argued that organized crime is a form of business enterprise and that criminal enterprise is the same as other professions, such as teaching or engineering. Crime, as a business, is chosen when the profit (revenue minus production cost) exceeds that of legal occupations.
Is it always possible to draw a distinction between legal and criminal businesses in terms of the criteria of morality and legality? In Russia, it seems to be hardly possible. Organized crime is not only the “sum of criminal organizations”, it is a complicated social phenomenon that influences the economy and state policy. Criminal associations are a kind of social organization belonging to a type of “working (labor) collective body”. The growth of the organizational aspect of crime is a natural, objective process; it is a manifestation of the growth of the organizational aspect of social systems as well as their sub-systems (such as the economy and politics). It is a global, worldwide process. Criminal business arises, exists, and develops under certain conditions: When there is a demand for illegal wares (drugs, weapons, etc.) and services (sexual, etc.); when there is an unsatisfied demand for legal wares and services (e.g., the total “deficit” in the former Soviet Union); when there is a high level of unemployment and other sources of social exclusion (Finer and Nellis, 1998; Kanfler, 1965; Lenoir, 1974; Paugam, 1996; Young, 1999); and when there are defects in the tax and customs policies of the state.
In this context, a criminal organization (syndicate) that builds up a system of organized crime (industry) is defined by the following indispensable characteristics: A stable association of people, designed for long-term activity; the criminal nature of the activity (financial pursuits dependent on criminal activity); the deriving of maximum profits as the key goal of the activity; the complex hierarchical structure of the organization; the corrupting of political and law enforcement bodies as the main means of the criminal activity; and the aspiration to monopolize a certain sphere of trade or certain territories. The high degree of adaptability of criminal associations (resulting from their strict labor discipline, their careful selection of staff and high profits) ensures their great and vital capacity. The mafia is immortal! For example, Russian criminal organizations recruit only the youngest, bravest, and most enterprising people. We can observe the trends of the official data about organized crime in Russia in Table 9.1.
Table 9.1 Crime data for criminal organizations, 2003–20162
table9_1
We can see that the number of crimes committed by criminal organizations reached its peak in 2008 and gradually decreased until 2016; the number of known participants in the criminal organizations was the highest in 2006 and fell to its lowest point in 2012, increasing again between 2013 and 2016; and the number of organizations in the criminal community rose from 141 in 2003 to 351 in 2013 without an apparent (visible) tendency.
Though we cannot completely trust the available official statistics, similar track records for many indicators in Russia and other countries are indicative of a quantitative reduction of all parameters of criminality during this period.

Short history of Russian organized crime

Organized crime has always existed in Russia, before and after the October revolution in 1917, and especially after the collapse of the Soviet Union in the late 1980s. Briefly reviewing the history of Soviet and post-Soviet organized crime in Russia can help us to understand the contemporary situation (Gilinskiy, 1997, 1998a, 1998b, 2002, 2006; Gilinskiy and Kostjukovsky, 2004, Siegel, 2005, 2012; Varese, 2001; Volkov, 2002). In general, the development of Russian organized crime can be divided into three specific periods.

Late 1970s to mid-1990s

From the end of the 1970s, there was the rise of a new generation of criminals (so-called sportsmen or bandits) and, more generally, the consolidation of contemporary organized crime. Its activities were initially related to traditional black market racketeering – drugs, arms, and weapons–dealing, and control over gambling and sex businesses. Due to the immense opportunities created by the fall of the Soviet Union and the liberalization and democratization processes, from the end of the 1980s, there was a merging of organized crime with legal businesses and political structures. This included small illegal businesses and legal “cooperative societies”, large illegal businesses under the protection and with the participation of leaders in the Communist Party and state devices, and the illegal exchange of currency and speculation (fartzovka). Scandals involving the illegal manufacturing and sale of cotton, fruit, caviar, and fish in the 1970s and 1980s revealed for the first time the close alliances that teneviki (shady dealers) and traditional criminals had with executive staff and official leaders of the Soviet Republic (the first secretaries of the central committees of the Communist Party in Uzbekistan, Azerbaijan, Moldova, Georgia, and Kazakhstan were all involved in scandals at some point), the central bodies of the Communist Party, and government and law enforcement bodies.
These years formed and shaped the relationship between different organized crime groups. For instance, in the 1990s, there were four criminal, mafia-like communities in St. Petersburg (the Tambovs, Azerbaijans, Chechens, and Kazans), dozens of criminal associations (e.g., Komarovs), and hundreds of criminal groups. The larger criminal organizations conducted racketeering, drug trafficking, “protection” of small- and middle-scale businesses, market trade, sex businesses, car theft, the selling of nonferrous metals across the border (through Estonia), gambling, and the production and trafficking of fake liquor. Falsification of strong drinks is a traditional criminal business. In the 1990s, large amounts of Absolut vodka, French cognac (Napoleon), Italian liquor (amaretto), and others have appeared in commercial spots that were produced in the city and the local region. The result of international criminal cooperation was that greater amounts of adulterated strong drinks from Poland, Hungary, the Netherlands, and Germany were produced and sold as authentic (at corresponding prices) in Russia.
The Center for Deviantology (Sociology of Deviance) of the Sociological Institute of the Russian Academy of Sciences has been involved in crimino-logical studies of the black market and the relationship between the economy and organized crime since 1993. According to different studies, business in St. Petersburg and other regions of Russia was divided among criminal communities. Excellently organized informational services enabled them to track and monitor all commercial structures; the moment a new commercial structure started making a profit, it aroused the interest of criminal groups. As one businessman interviewed asserted: “100% of commercial structures are embraced by rackets.… Racketeering penetrates all the enterprises except those of military-industrial complexes and some foreign firms.” According to the officers of the Federal Service Security, criminal associations controlled about 90% of legal businesses.3
There were two levels of racketeering: Tribute money extracted from small kiosks and shops (“black racket”) and money obtained from commercial enterprises. In the latter case, one can distinguish various indirect, disguised types of rackets: Payments for “guarding”, for “service in the field of marketing” in compliance with contracts for “cooperation”, or for “services” (e.g., recovering debts). The “taking care” of commercial structures by criminal organizations included having their representatives on administrative and managerial bodies.
On the basis of information from our respondents, we are in a position to single out typical situations in which businessmen were forced to commit crimes. Bribery was required in the following situations: When registering businesses, when renting premises from state bodies, when acquiring licenses to operate from state bodies, for obtaining low-interest bank credit, when reporting to tax inspectors, and when completing customs formalities. A current taxation rate amounting to 80%–85% required concealment of revenues, as businesses could not survive in competition with other firms if revenues were revealed honestly.
Most of the state-owned business enterprises found themselves “under the protection” of bandits. They were “guarded” by some gangs against other gangs, for which they paid a “tribute” and rendered (obligatory) services. In particular, criminal organizations included their “representatives” on councils of directors and boards of business enterprises, organizations, and banks. Thus, legal and illegal businesses merged.
The rigid normative regulations in some kinds of economic activity and the absence of such regulations in other fields resulted in businessmen ignoring the law in some cases and/or making their own “law” in others. The synthesis of legal and illegal elements in the country’s economy engendered fake goods and services.
Sophisticated crimes, such as bank fraud, were connected to computer engineering, but new technologies were also used in areas such as the falsification of alcoholic beverages, manufacturing of drugs, theft of automobiles, and development of new weapons. To some extent, the new developments in the field of computer engineering initially passed through criminal structures. Growing attention was being paid to attracting scientific staff (chemists, programmers, economists, and lawyers) who were engaged in criminal business.
The narcotics business was one of the least visible, well-established forms of organized crime in Russia. The struggle against the narcotics mafia was complicated by widespread corruption within law enforcement and state organizations and was part of the political games that Russia played with countries that exported drugs (Azerbaijan, Chechnya, and the nations of Middle Asia).
The theft and illicit trade in (resale of) vehicles was another type of criminal activity, as well as gambling. In cities, clients were engaged in uncomplicated gambling (card playing, dice, backgammon, etc.) in so-called dens (katran). These activities involved very large amounts of money. The majority of the clients of these dens were representatives of the criminal world. The other significant part of this business was street gambling, which consisted of games like “thimbles”, “three cards”, and street raffles. Independently from the playing rules, clients never won. Modern organizers of street raffles paid about 20% to their criminal group for protection (krysha, literal meaning, “roof”) and contractually paid a percentage to the patrol service of police (PPS). Criminal organizations also provided protection (“cover”) to massage companies, saunas, escort and “call girls” firms. Street prostitution had no clearly marked locations; it was usually organized around bus and train stations and hotels. Hotel prostitution had existed from Soviet times until the present day. All the hotels in the city were divided among criminal groups. Criminal organizations also facilitated the exporting of prostitutes across the border.

Mid-1990s to early 2000s

In this period, traditional organized crime was blossoming and gradually introducing its members into structures of power and legal businesses. Criminal organizations displayed a keen interest in real estate. Th...

Table of contents

  1. Cover
  2. Half Title
  3. Series Page
  4. Title
  5. Copyright
  6. Contents
  7. List of figures
  8. List of tables
  9. List of contributors
  10. Introduction
  11. PART A China 1990 to 2018
  12. PART B Transnational crime along the Belt and Road
  13. PART C Organized crime and corruption in OBOR countries
  14. Conclusion
  15. Index

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