Introduction
The Olympic Games are events planned with long lead times, which belong to the category of occasional mega-events (Getz and Page, 2015) with high international visibility and high expectations about value creation. According to Persson (2002, p. 27) the Olympic Games are big business.
Academic literature is paying increasing attention to the Olympic Games because they are the subject of considerable social issues and tensions in the metropolises that organize and host them. Indeed, the political, economic and financial interests of both public authorities and private investors often strongly oppose those of local communities.
The authorities, keen to promote urban renewal projects, stress the positive repercussions rather than the considerable pressure on resources (workforce, land, infrastructure) that these mega-events can generate. Until recently, they decided and acted without prior consultation with residents.
The Olympic Games illustrate in an exemplary and empirical way the theory of Right to the City, developed by authors such as David Harvey (2008) or Manuel Castells (1983). According to these authors, the old industrial districts of most of the metropolis have undergone significant post-Fordist and post-modern transformations based on projects and events that are highly publicized, spectacular and ephemeral. These allow capital surpluses to rearrange urban environments by operating large amounts of expropriations and displacements of local populations. From Budapest to Rome, via Hamburg, Boston, Innsbruck, Oslo, and Munich, we have recently observed the rise of opposition movements against the Olympics, mostly because the Games are expected to confiscate space.
Because the official arguments in favour of the Olympic Games have received significant media coverage and very often the support of the citizens, anti-Olympic mobilizations have remained, until recently, unknown. This raises some interesting questions about the shaping of these mobilizations, the degree of the challenge, the actors involved, and the actions at stake.
The literature on the urban and geostrategic issues of the Olympic Games as a competitive mega-event reveals a lot of important controversies. Indeed, behind the apparent nobility of high-level sporting performance, which can pacify people and inspire the young, a considerable number of interests crystallize around the Olympic Games; thus, academic attention focuses on the dynamics of collaboration/protestation at various scales. The host city strengthens its image of a world city able to capture new global flows and, consequently, its territorial attractiveness in the context of exacerbated global competition.
Moreover, its ability to generate international consensus is fundamental. Also, some of the literature has focused on the political boycott of the Games and the Gamesâ impact on diplomatic relations (Feizabadi et al., 2015; Monnin and Maillard, 2015). Others have shown how corruption and over-sponsoring by multinationals, using the Games to assert their commercial interests, might distort the Olympic ideal. One simply has to remember the famous Salt Lake City scandal in 1998 when the local organizing committee bribed the International Olympic Committee, and Atlanta, where the 1996 Olympics were nicknamed the Coca-Cola Games (Magdalinski et al., 2005) to be convinced that such a distortion is possible.
In other studies, authors stress the local aspect and, in particular, sub-urban relations. For example, Gursoy and Kendall (2006) have pointed out how consultation and prior buy-in of communities affect the success of the application. With regard to this same local dimension, other more critical views have emerged on the issues of social justice and the right to the city by showing that urban renewal projects, such as the Olympic Games, are essentially vehicles of property speculation and dispossession (Harvey, 2008; Soja, 1989). Local people may experience transgression of their most basic rights such as housing, or they can be subject to the exploitation and alienation of local labour.
In recent decades, some big cities have experienced rising and various urban social protests defending local population rights and making precise claims as a reaction against the processes of rehabilitation and gentrification of former industrial districts. David Harvey (2008) uses the concept of militant particularisms to refer to campaigns and struggles emanating from a particular urban area and likely to be expanded to other places, which ultimately gives them a much more global reach.
From a governance point of view, the primary challenge for the government is to defuse criticism of and resistance to the merits of this global sports event. Thus, the notion of legacy occupies a preponderant place in the construction of the discourse related to the Olympic imperative. It is not only a matter of the renovation of socio-economically disadvantaged neighbourhoods, but also a matter of the sustainability of the facilities to generate economic benefits in the medium or long term. This âsustainable regenerationâ is a relatively traditional perspective of legitimation based on local economic development.
The omnipresence of the concept of legacy should be emphasized in the debates, because the stakeholders are far from reaching a consensus on the idea. For example, a report from the London Assembly (2007) on the Olympic legacies of Barcelona, Atlanta, Sydney, and Athens points out that actual costs and benefits are out of step with ex ante calculations. In terms of impact on employment in particular, the unemployed living near the Olympic Parks in the four cities studied did not experience an improvement in their situation after the Games.
Boston, Budapest, Hamburg, Rome, Innsbruck, Oslo, Munich, Krakow, Davos, and Calgary cancelled their Olympic bids recently for financial reasons, but also because of local protests and referenda. Politicians, inhabitants and, more generally, local stakeholders fear an increase in costs and doubt the benefits of hosting the mega-event. This raises interesting research questions: why do Olympic boosters not work and why is there no positive feedback relating to general claims about return on investment (ROI), impacts, and effects of mega-events in public opinion?
To answer this question, we first need to focus on the relevance of mega-events on local economic development. To understand the link between city and mega-events and to avoid simple balance accountancy, we will adopt a stakeholderâs point of view and consider the place hosting a mega-event to be an ecosystem. Secondly, we will analyse some of the cities that withdrew from Olympic bids and analyse their motivations to do so. As history tells us, cities hosting Olympic Games never make money, because this event represents a significant financial risk. Among the reasons why these cities abandoned their Olympic commitments, we observed increased local protest, a deficit of a legacy of the Olympic Games; the demands of local stakeholders for more transparency; and a lack of involvement by local stakeholders. We will use extensive literature surveys and a media corpus (interviews, blogs, etc.) to deepen our understanding of the citiesâ withdrawals from the Olympics.