1 Locating value
An introduction
Samantha Saville and Gareth Hoskins
This edited volume provides a critical and reflexive consideration of value as it is theorized, applied, and critiqued across a range of disciplinary perspectives, including economic, environmental and cultural geography, heritage and museum studies, political ecology, sociology, and urban and regional planning. The collection explores valueâs conceptual utility in a wide range of geographical and institutional contexts.
Valueâs rapidly growing currency in social, cultural, and environmental policy is the latest manifestation of our long-running faith in a concept that has been so central to the philosophy of ethics, aesthetics, and economics as developed through Plato, Kant, Nietzsche, and Marx. In a 21st-century world responding to uncertainty and loss with ever-more-elaborate and varied forms of measurement, value is often regarded as something of a panacea. It can be âwastedâ in ineffective social programmes, not properly accounted for in poor public auditing, and âaccruedâ by various techniques of management. This volume examines how value comes to feature in contemporary society and how it is figured, operationalized, endorsed, and contested. It reflects the diversity of value-related critical enquiry that is currently underway in the humanities and social sciences.
Locating Value takes as its starting point the idea that value, whatever else it may be and whatever purpose it serves, is a spatial practice. It is both an abstract form of spacing (by separation, matching, ranking, listing, and grading in comparison on a chart to generate distance and therefore allow exchange through equivalence) and an exercise in physical spacing (a judgement that prompts physical transformation in objects, buildings, places, and landscapes because of the institutional, symbolic, material constellations that judgement generates). Moreover, the act of valuation is âspatially and temporally localizedâ (Hutter and Stark, 2015, p. 4), and our collective mission is to more effectively locate value: to unpack, explain, and illustrate how value is understood and operationalized. In locating value, we hope to demonstrate the utility of thinking about value geographically. What happens when we think about value as an explicitly spatial phenomenon? What difference does it make to our understanding and theorizing of value if it is recognized as always being located and/or involved in the act of locating? How are certain spaces shaped in the pursuit, or defence, of value and in valueâs declaration and articulation, and how do those spaces recursively act back on the systems of measurement to help frame what we understand as good, bad, or indifferent?
Rather than work towards a single unifying logic of value, chapters reflect valueâs conceptual elasticity. They outline valueâs eclectic epistemic foundations and imperatives; examine valueâs rollout and legitimation across a range of policy fields; and sketch the contours of its challenge. The scope and flexibility of value as both a scholarly analytic and a governing technology is indicated through the bookâs coverage of precisely where and how value touches down: forest conservation in Indonesia; protected area management in arctic Svalbard; heritage planning in East Taiwan; local food networks in New Brunswick, Canada, and Plymouth, UK; a redeveloped Norwegian airport site; an open-air street market in Chicago; urban development in Jiangsu Province, China; a state park in the mountains of California; certification schemes for biodiversity offsetting in the UK; and protection of the international night sky.
This introductory chapter outlines our own thinking around this concept and the foregrounding influences and works that have contributed to it. These are not indicative of the wide range of perspectives that the collection represents; there is, we believe, âvalueâ in the plurality of views we are able to showcase in this book. Moreover, value has been and remains contentious and contested in how we as coauthors have come to know and employ it. This is not smooth, well-trodden intellectual ground, and we have travelled through plenty of potholes and rough terrain in our ongoing discussions.
Why value?
Value is now all-pervasive in formal public conversation. Its popularity in policymaking is due in no small part to its discursive flexibility, providing the appearance of scientific objectivity and technical precision while gesturing to outcomes that extend beyond the economic. In this current discursive moment, value is employed, worried over, and increasingly researched. Government, think tanks, consultancies, charity organizations, and research councils refine methods for calculating valueâs non-economic expression in terms of nature, health, well-being, heritage, public spirit, and art. The focus of our concern is less about anguished metaphysical questions over what value is ontologically and more about valueâs epistemics: how value is defined, standardized, practised, mobilized, resisted and made to function in relation to other values. It is about what value comes to mean and how it is legitimized through âdataâ, itself legitimized as âevidenceâ, by those in authority to justify or remove funding. As Helgesson and Muniesa point out, âthe performance of valuations are thus not only ubiquitous; their outcomes participate in the ordering of societyâ (2013, p. 3). Moreover, value is wholly political: âdifferent tropes and deployments of value strike different political pointsâ (Henderson, 2013, p. 34).
Outside policy arenas, value is becoming more prevalent as a form of social critique. Popular books such as Raj Patelâs The Value of Nothing (2011), Michael Sandelâs What Money Canât Buy (2012), and Jerry Mullerâs The Tyranny of Metrics (2018) have encouraged us to question how capitalist societies are practising value. We are becoming increasingly used to seeing all manner of companies, charities, institutions, and individuals discussing, declaring, and marketing their values. Since the 2016 UK Referendum on leaving or remaining in the EU, the conversation around what âBritish valuesâ are has heightened. The search for value is also consuming considerable resources and intellectual energies.
Value has been key in broad developments of economic and political philosophy. Early philosophical discussions and publications include The Journal of Value Inquiry, which has been in print since 1967, and Hartmanâs The Structure of Value: Foundations of Scientific Axiology was published in the same year. Values have been a topic of consideration in cultural studies (e.g. Cultura: International Journal of Philosophy of Culture and Axiology) and in discussions on behaviour change and attitudes, particularly in the environmental realm (e.g. the Environmental Values periodical). What is interesting is the recent shift from the philosophical to the applied and the related shift from values to valuation. One indication of this trend is the founding of the journal Valuation Studies in 2013, which specifically covers discussions of valuation as a social practice (Helgesson and Muniesa, 2013). To take some UK examples, in 2012 the Leverhulme Centre for the Study of Value was founded and the Arts and Humanities Research Council (AHRC) Cultural Values Project began the following year. This led to further research and eventually a Centre for Cultural Value being established. The Valuing Nature project, funded by the Natural Environment Research Council (NERC) initially, ran from 2011 to 2014 and is likewise continuing to be funded by several UK research councils. Both projects aim to identify and understand value in their respective cultural and natural realms and to âcaptureâ these values via evaluative practices, a recognizably challenging task. After all, can valuations be adequately ârobustâ as Valuing Nature calls for? Can we really effectively and accurately âcaptureâ it? And if so, who and what has the power and authority to define its limits and evaluative criteria? The chapters in Locating Value confront and examine these efforts to capture value. Collectively, we open up the black boxes of often-obscured or unquestioned definitions, assumptions, criteria, and practices that are caught up in such proliferating value practices. First, however, we briefly look at terminology and past works.
Value semantics
Despite the many uses and meanings that âvalueâ is associated with, at the core of value lies the notion of how important something is. Scholars of value concern themselves with how we define what that importance is (Brosch and Sander, 2016). In this vein, Chang proclaims âvalue is the aim and centre of all human activities and [the] whole [of] human lifeâ (2001, p. 68). While Changâs claim can certainly be refuted, it raises important questions: What is this value, so central yet slippery in meaning? Is it an exclusively human concept? Value is also an everyday term that can take on more nuanced but often-unexplained and often-uninterrogated meanings.
The muddled ways we use the word âvalueâ provide a telling example (Miller, 2008; Skeggs, 2014). The singular article, âvalueâ, is often connected to, or synonymous with, a monetary equivalence, or at least taken to be something that can be measured and quantified. We might think of âvalue for moneyâ or âbest valueâ and the various evaluations and quantifications involved in attributing such labels to an item or service. Conversely, the plural of value does not usually mean multiple quantities. Rather, values are more associated with âsubjective feelingsâ, personally held principles by which to live by (Leyshon, 2014) or that which is âheld dearâ (Lee, 2006; Latour, 2013). Values appear to be qualitative, non-exchangeable and cannot be de-linked from their source, the valuer, or as Miller (2008), describes âin Marxist terminology â values are âinalienableâ. However, the phrase âvalue judgementâ usually implies a decision based on personal views or standards and not on quantifiable evidence:
Most people seem blissfully unconcerned with the fact that they use a single term value which can mean both one thing and its very opposite. But what if that is the point? That what value does, is precisely to create a bridge between value as price and values as inalienable, because this bridge lies at the core of what could be called the everyday cosmologies by which people, and indeed companies and governments live?
(Miller, 2008, p. 1123)
It is those everyday cosmologies that we are interested in. Similarly, Roger Lee brings the terms âvaluesâ and âvalueâ closer together by examining âsocial relations of valueâ, that how âpeople engage in consumption and production and condition the ways in which they come to understand their relationship to the natural and social worldâ (Lee, 2006, p. 419). Likewise, Bev Skeggs argues that it is the relationships between, and production of, value and values that we should focus on rather than defining exactly what it is/they are. Value, then, to those that would study and analyse its workings at least, becomes a practice, a verb (see Cresswell, this volume); valuations are devised with various component parts and actors assembling to construct calculative devices; valuing, or valuation, is something that is done and performs work (Carolan, 2013) â a social practice (Helgesson and Muniesa, 2013).
Value, as it is acted on and practised, can reveal much about how a system is operating (Raz, 2001). Identifying or detecting and tracing value(s) is a necessary step towards analysing the movements, processes, and contingencies of value. The tools, institutions, and methods of assigning and legitimizing value are fundamental. In analysing value, we need to give due consideration to how value is categorized/measured/judged/âqualculatedâ (because calculations may not always be quantitative or about pricing, this term incorporates both [Callon and Law, 2003]) and what roles material and human âcalculative agenciesâ (Callon, 1998) play in this work.
The trouble with value
Before we proceed, we will reflect on the difficulties, debates, and challenges that accompany an engagement with value as a theoretical lens or object/subject of critique, some of which are aptly expressed by Ginsberg:
Value inquiry has loose ends. It is untidy, restless, imperfect, doubt-filled⌠. value inquiry offers a model for philosophy as conduct, drawing upon our intellectual impulse to continue, and cautioning against our intellectual impulse to conclude.
(Ginsberg, 2001, p. 4)
A model philosophy that continues to question does not necessarily sound too troublesome, but the difficulties of working with value crops up in the writings of several prominent âvalue workersâ. The literary scholar Barbara Herrstein Smith describes value and value systems as âscrappyâ and âdiscordant and conflictualâ (1988, p. 148). George Henderson in his exploration of Marxâs value theory, writes, âvalue is very difficult to thinkâ (2013, p. 4). More generously, Michael Carolan (2013) prefers to think of value as âwildâ and not easily fitting into disciplinary structures. To examine where all this anguish comes from, we take a brief tour around the value landscape.
Value theory, called the labour theory of value, is at the centre of Marxist ideas. David Harveyâs development of this approach is indicative: according to Doel, âeverything hinges on valueâ (Doel, 2006, p. 55), yet value in Marx is an obscure and complex concept (Henderson, 2013; Harvey, 2016). Although Marxism is âindispensableâ to political economy in enabling generalizations about capitalism (Christophers, 2014), the focus has been on value production and commodities, with value defined quite specifically through labour. This concentration on production and exchangeable commodities often limits the perspective to the economic arena (Springer, 2014). Christophers (2014) argues that bringing the performativity of the market into contact with Marxist theory of value could recoup Marxismâs explanatory power by including those missing elements of what happens when value is exchanged, consumed, and distributed through markets. Yet capitalist value is thoroughly entangled with social values (Kay and Kenney-Lazar, 2017), and as the chapters within this volume attest to, there are many value frameworks and practices that fall outside capitalist market relations: engaging a strictly Marxist theory of value in exploring our socio-natural world overly narrows the analysis. If we loosen the ties of value theory from the use-exchange economic value paradigm, we can open up to working with other theoretical angles such as vital materialism, assemblage, and actor-network theories (see Fredriksen et al., 2014 for a conceptual mapping review). We can, however, retain a critical approach and the fundamental principle that value is a social relation (Harvey 2016; Skeggs 2014) rather than a thing, making it all the more difficult to track down, because, to use the famous expression, âvalue doesnât stalk around with a sign on its headâ (Marx, 2010 [1887]).
Baudrillardâs theory of value takes a linguistic turn to posit that values are thoroughly relational in that they rely on opposing terms â for example, beauty and ugliness â to define themselves. Such systems and moral judgements that come with them favour the positive side of the opposing pair: beauty in this case (Clarke, 2010). Therefore, as David B. Clarke argues, there is much that value excludes, and the concept cannot be relied on as a self-sufficient principle, but value is in fact a âconceptual virusâ (2010, p. 235), whereby everything has value, which comes...