Contacts between Australia and Japan are as old as the treaties that marked the end of Japan’s seclusion.
(Sissons 1972, 193)
It is impossible to discuss Japan and Australia without recognition and reference to the research of Australian historian David Sissons (1925–2006). Serving in the Australian Army, Sissons learned Japanese through the military from 1944–47 and then studied in Tokyo 1957–60 (Sissons 1998, 40; Stockwin 2016, 1). Much of Sissons’s meticulous research on the history between the two nations is stored away in ‘60 capacious boxes at the National Library of Australia Manuscripts Collection in Canberra’ (Stockwin 2016, 3). Thankfully, the public now has greater access to this material with the recent publication of two volumes entitled Bridging Australia and Japan. In Volume 1, Sissons (2016, 87) divides nineteenth-century Australian contacts with Japan into three periods: the sakoku1 period (1633–1866), the second period (1867–1891) and the third period (1892–1902). In the sakoku period, he focuses on the last years of Japan’s seclusion from the West and the influx of foreign residents as well as Japanese travelling abroad. The second period, says Sissons, is characterised by ‘unfettered but infrequent and small-scale contact’ with important and increasing labour for the pearling industry sourced from Japan, and ‘the appearance of the Japanese prostitute’, or ‘karayuki-san’ throughout much of Australia. The third period was one of increased Japanese emigration to Australia sponsored by large companies that ended with the 1901 introduction of the Immigration Restriction Act excluding non-European migrants and forming the basis of the White Australia Policy (hakugōshugi).
Although the first of Sissons’s three periods includes the very beginning of the Tokugawa period through the opening up of Japan, not much happened between Japan and Australia before 1859. Therefore, the total length of time between the bookending of Japan’s opening up after sakoku and Australia’s clamping down on immigration of non-whites in 1901 constitutes just over 40 years. This was only a brief period of time, within which both countries interacted on many levels and in multiple ways.
Although the time prior to 1859 is like a black hole in Japan’s interaction with the West, there are some recorded instances of Australians and Japanese encountering one another. Sissons (2016, 41, 88–89) speculates that the first encounter was with the 1831 landing of the Sydney whaler the Lady Rowena in Hamanaka Bay on Hokkaido. The Australian crew, according to a Sydney Gazette article, destroyed a village and fired upon its people (The Sydney Gazette 1831, 2). On this point, Sissons (2016, 42) playfully declares that, ‘[i]f this was in fact the first encounter between our two peoples, then the relationship got off to a bad start’. However, it seems that encounters soon after this one on Hachijōjima and with other Japanese junks were amicable and friendly, with the captain of the Lady Rowena, Bourne Russell, making purchases of food and supplies on the same trip without incident (Sissons 2016, 89). In fact, the Lady Rowena safely returned to Sydney Harbour in July 1832, with 600 barrels of whale oil from Japan (Japan Club of Australia 1998, 25).
Sissons’s assertion of this being the first encounter between Australians and Japanese, however, may require revising. There is evidence that a landing on Japanese shores by an Australian vessel took place the year before the Lady Rowena in 1830. In 2017, an English teacher in Japan, Nick Russell, came across documents that provide strong evidence of the arrival of the Cypress on 16 January 1830 off the town of Mugi on Shikoku Island (Robertson 2017). The crew of the Cypresswere escaped convicts who had mutinied in 1829 while on their way from Van Diemen’s Land (Tasmania) to Macquarie Harbour (The Sydney Monitor 1829, 3). Although this event may take precedence, Sissons’s claim about early Japanese-Australian relations getting off to a bad start still holds. Initially, the encounter was one of mutual curiosity with some limited interaction, but suspicion took over and the convicts were lucky to escape with their lives, being hastened away under cannon fire from the Japanese.
Interestingly, Japanese accounts record an illustration of a gift offered by the convict crew to the Japanese villagers that looks much like a boomerang. Other details recorded by the Japanese are of one of the crew who produced ‘a big glass of what appeared to be an alcoholic beverage and indicated that we (the Japanese) should drink’ (Robertson 2017). ‘We declined by waving our hands, upon which they passed the glass around themselves, one by one tapping their heads as they drank to indicate the good feeling it brought them, and finished the lot’. Mima, a local commander, suspicious of the ship and its crew, stated, ‘The men on the ship do not look hungry at all and in fact they seem to be mocking us by diving off the stern and climbing back onto the ship again, it is very strange that everyone who goes out for a closer look returns feeling very sorry for them. I think they are pirates. We should crush them!’ (Robertson 2017). The Cypress eventually made its way to Macau and China, where she sunk due to the holes in her hull from Japanese cannon fire (The Sydney Gazette and New South Wales Advertiser 1831, 2). The convicts were then recaptured. Two were executed and one, William Swallow, was sent back to Van Diemen’s Land, dying four years later.
There was another instance in 1850 in which an Australian vessel, the Eamont, intruded upon a closed Japan not far from where the Lady Rowena had landed 19 years earlier. The crew of the Eamont remained in custody for four months and were eventually transported to Nagasaki to be sent away aboard a Dutch ship to Batavia. One crewmember, James Higgins, died during a storm at sea and was buried amongst the Dutch graves in the grounds of Goshinji temple. According to Sissons (2016, 90), Higgins was the first Australian to be buried on Japanese soil. During the storm that killed Higgins, the crew saved the life of the Japanese officer who had accompanied them. This officer then gave orders that they be released from confinement, and they were then taken to Matsumai accompanied by 500 Japanese (Geelong Advertiser 1851, 2).
Although the brief landings of the Cypress, the Lady Rowena and the Eamont are recorded as the very first encounters between Australians and the Japanese, as Sissons’s quote above clearly outlines, sustained interaction only began with the end of sakoku. Twenty-nine years after the Cypress left Japan’s coastline, the country ended its more than two-century seclusion policy and opened selected ports and harbours to trade and foreign residents. The first from Australia2 to encounter the newly opened Japan were Alexander Marks (1838–1919)3 and his brother Henry (?–1871), who took up residency in Yokohama and set up a business in 1859. Henry Marks, alongside another brother, Lawrence, died in a typhoon aboard the Schooner Julie in 1871. Alexander Marks left Japan and returned to Australia the following year in 1872. After returning to Melbourne, he became the first Honorary Consul for Japan for the Australian colonies from 1879 to 1896. Marks was appointed by the Japanese government because of increasing court cases concerning the exploitation of Japanese crew by unscrupulous British captains who had recruited the men in Treaty ports in Japan (Sissons 2016, 93). From 1896, Marks went on to become Honorary Consul for Japan in Victoria, a position he held until 1902.
Following Marks, John Reddie Black (1826–1880) was the next from Australia to engage with Japan. Originally a Scotsman, Black arrived in Japan from Australia in 1862, and he remained there for more than 11 years. Black was a singer and newspaper publisher, and also the father of Henry James Black (1858–1923). Australian-born Henry Black lived in Japan from the age of 3 and became famous as a kabuki actor and the first foreign-born rakugoka. He performed as Kairakutei Burakku (Pleasure Black) and was eventually adopted as a Japanese, changing his name to Ishii Black. He died of a stroke at the age of 64. Not long after Black Senior’s arrival in 1867, British-born politician John Henry Brooke (1826–1902) moved from Melbourne to Yokohama. Taking over from Black as proprietor and editor of the Japan Daily Herald, he wrote a series of articles for The Australasian newspaper in 1867 under the pseudonym ‘An Australian Colonist’ and remained in Japan until his death on 8 January 1902.4
The migration of Japanese to Australia was a little slower and did not begin until after the Sakoku Edict, which restricted travel outside of Japan, was lifted on 23 May 1866. Although some Japanese left Japan without permission or passports before 1866 (Yamamoto 2017, 8), sanctioned travel did not begin until late in 1866, or, in the case of the first Japanese to visit Australia, 1867. These first travellers were acrobats and jugglers, with the very first group of 12 members being part of ‘Lenton and Smith’s Great Novelty for the Colonies – The Great Dragon Troupe of Japanese – 12 Wonders from Yeddo’ (Sissons 2016, 50), who performed at the Princess Theatre in Melbourne. The first naturalised Japanese in Australia was also an acrobat. He was Ewar Dicinoski (likely Sakuragawa Rikinosuke), who performed with the Royal Tycoon Troupe, a group of 13 members that came to Australia in 1871. Dicinoski decided to stay on and, 11 years later, in 1882, naturalised as an Australian (Armstrong 1973, 3; Sissons 2016, 51). His grave can be found in the Toowong Cemetery in Brisbane (see Figure 1.1).
In the 1860s, alongside the arrival of these f...