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1 John Carrollâs metaphysical sociology
Sara James
From anomie and alienation to liquidity and the reflexive project of the self, sociologists have been adept at articulating the difficulties â and occasionally the rewards â of the modern human experience. For John Carroll, the major problem of modernity is that it is âmetaphysically precariousâ (2014: 565). Modernisation may have dealt with most of the material hardships that plagued previous eras, but it has not been able âto neutralise the Old Testament wisdom that we do not live by bread aloneâ (Carroll, 2008: 4). The problem, for Carroll, is one of meaning; and the solution lies in the realm of culture.
This focus on meaning, on the metaphysical as opposed to the physical requirements of life, sets Carroll apart from much contemporary sociology. Carroll has proposed that a metaphysical sociology should focus on how societies grapple with the fundamental existential questions that confront all humans â âWhere do I come from, What should I do with my life, and What happens to me when I dieâ (2014: 1). In the modern West, with the declining influence of religion and other traditional signposts, these questions of meaning have become difficult to answer. Contemporary individuals increasingly pursue individual and experimental quests for meaning, drawing on their own inner resources, their âontological qualitiesâ (Carroll, 2012: 221). The key question for a metaphysical sociology then is: âWhat metaphysical resources are available to people and how do we cultivate them?â
John Carroll is the author of one of the most important and ambitious projects in contemporary cultural sociology. While Jeffrey Alexander describes him as a âmaverickâ and âone of the most interesting theoretical minds in sociologyâ, others question whether he belongs within the discipline. This is partly because Carroll is an effective populariser of insights from classical sociology; his work transcends the narrow jargon-laden categories of contemporary academic sociology. This is reflected in the breadth of contributors in this collection, which includes a philosopher, a renowned actor and a musician.
Carrollâs body of work spans four decades. He completed his PhD at Cambridge University, supervised by George Steiner and Anthony Giddens. Stimulated by Steiner, he moved away from political and economic concerns, towards culture, also citing Riesmansâs The Lonely Crowd as a major influence (Campain, 2005: 7). His PhD thesis was published as Break-Out from the Crystal Palace: The Anarcho-Psychological Critique: Stirner, Nietzsche, Dostoevsky, in 1974. Carroll returned to Australia and was appointed as a lecturer at La Trobe University in Melbourne, where he taught for over forty years and is now Professor Emeritus. He has also held visiting appointments at Harvard, Yale and the London School of Economics.
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Carroll is also a prominent public intellectual, bringing a sociological perspective to current affairs and introducing sociological thought to the general reader. He has been a frequent writer of essays for popular literary journals such as Meanjin, Quadrant and The Salisbury Review. Carroll also regularly publishes opinion-piece articles in broadsheet publications such as The Age, The Australian and The Australian Financial Review and appears frequently as a commentator on radio programmes. Many of his books have found an audience beyond academia. Australian Book Review said of Ego and Soul: âA genuine attempt by an academic sociologist to deal with the crisis of meaning that is felt everywhere in the wider community, especially in youth culture.â Carrollâs work strikes a chord with the public audience because it speaks to issues that are felt by many but seldom articulated in public discourse.
This collection of essays provides a critical survey of Carrollâs metaphysical sociology,1 while also expanding the project into new areas. My aim in this introductory chapter is to familiarise the reader with Carrollâs approach, while outlining his major themes, in order to contextualise the chapters that follow. I do not provide a comprehensive survey of Carrollâs body of work; I intend only to set the scene and explain the rationale for this collection. Later chapters, particularly those by Dickson and Murphy, provide more detailed accounts of Carrollâs intellectual project.
Carrollâs vision and approach
Taken as a whole, Carrollâs published works and lectures present a distinctive vision of the history of the West and its cultural implications. Following Nietzsche and Weber, he argues that the major challenge faced by the modern West is a âcrisis of meaningâ (1998: 1), brought about by the birth of humanism:
(Carroll, 1993: 1)
Emerging in the European Renaissance and articulated fully in the Enlightenment, humanism attempted to âput humans at the centre of the universeâ (Carroll, 2004: 2) and establish an order where human flourishing was a consequence of their own achievements, rather than by the grace of God. Reason was enshrined as the path to human maturity. This vision of progress as a consequence of human reason led to the questioning of religious and traditional authority, paving the way for the political, scientific and industrial revolutions that marked the beginning of the modern era. Carroll (2004: 7) makes it clear that modernity has brought extraordinary physical and material benefits, liberating people from the âmiserable struggle to surviveâ. His argument is that the concurrent cultural decline left the modern West psychologically and spiritually starved (Carroll, 1974).
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For Carroll, a healthy culture provides a firm foundation, a secure âplace to standâ (2004: 2). Without this, the world is ârelativity and chaos, without direction, bearings or sense â a world in which humans cannot live and stay saneâ (Carroll, 2004: 2). Only from a secure platform can people live confidently and be creative (Carroll, 1977).2 Modern Western culture struggles to provide this rock. The forms that give order and security have been broken down, in an attempt to remove the âlimits to pleasureâ (Carroll, 1977: 87). Carroll argues that this liberation has had serious consequences: âindividuals detached from community are prone to egoism, restlessness, rootlessness, and a sense that life is aimless and futileâ (1986: 4). This line of argument is influenced by Durkheim â who argued that the individualism humanism encouraged in a society lacking a strong collective conscience would leave individuals vulnerable to anomie â and Dostoevsky, who saw that when everything is permitted, the consequences are chaos and lethargy. Human flourishing requires authority3 (Carroll, 1977).
Carroll describes contemporary Western culture as remissive â a term derived from Phillip Rieff â meaning that it lacks energy and authority. In a remissive culture, guilt, which is ordinarily a necessary regulator of human action, is not successfully sublimated and can lead to paralysis. Christianity used to help reduce guilt by providing an explanation for it and telling the individual how to reduce it, but Western culture has not been able to find a replacement for this (Carroll, 1986). Guilt, for Carroll, is not only psychological but spiritual. It is triggered when we violate the sacred order, thus performing the important function of making us aware of this order. Healthy cultures allow individuals to sublimate guilt through activity that connects them to the sacred order. Myths play a vital role here in guiding human action. These stories express the universal, ââcapital Tââ truths (Carroll, 2007: 2) that can guide human lives, offering a perspective that reminds individuals they are subject to the forces of fate: âThere are eternal laws â moral and metaphysical â and at its deepest level, the human consciousness is born understanding them . . . however much a particular period may distort and repress true conscience, it will not eliminate itâ (Carroll, 2004: 267). In sum, humanism, in attempting to replace myth with reason, has not been able to provide answers to the big questions of how to live. As Carroll memorably puts it: the Western world is âdying for want of Storyâ (2001: 7).
So far, this is a bleak assessment. In the prologue to the revised edition of Humanism: The Wreck of Western Culture (first edition 1993, second edition 2004), Carroll notes that the question he was asked most often in response to the first edition of the book was âWhat is the remedy? Where do we go now?â (2004: vii). In his later works â beginning with the first edition of Ego and Soul: The Modern West in Search of Meaning (1998) â Carroll takes on this task. His critique of Western culture, set forth in Humanism, was levelled at the realm of high culture, which he argues failed in its key task of retelling the archetypal stories in a way that speaks to the times. He is more optimistic, however, about popular culture.
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In The Western Dreaming (2001) Carroll shows how popular music, film and television have retold archetypal stories (including âThe Heroâ and âSoul Mate Loveâ) so that they continue to provide guidance for the conduct of a meaningful life. In Ego and Soul (first edition 1998, second edition 2008) he demonstrates this through an analysis of everyday activity in areas as diverse as tourism, DIY cultures, sport and work. Carroll takes this project of reviving foundational stories even further in The Existential Jesus (2007) and Greek Pilgrimage (2010). In these two books, Carroll attempts to reconnect Western culture with its roots, which, he suggests, are to be found in ancient Greece (particularly the works of Homer and the tragedies) and in the Jesus story: âWe cut ourselves off from our sacred origins at our own peril: it is they that anchor us, that give us a sense of home and belonging, of past and future that are meaningfully continuousâ (1986: 10). Written as a journey through the great sites and cultural works of ancient Greece, Greek Pilgrimage is both travel guide and meditation on its pivotal role in Western culture.
The Existential Jesus is much more daring. In this book Carroll attempts to retell Markâs gospel, recovering it from the churchesâ version, to revitalise the story of Jesus. The resulting narrative portrays a Jesus who is angry, solitary and enigmatic. As a work of sociology, it is strikingly unorthodox; as John Dickson suggests in a later chapter â drawing on a review by Peter Jensen â it is âsomething like an old-fashioned sermonâ. Unsurprisingly, it is a divisive book. While social theorist Zygmunt Bauman called it an âawe-inspiring . . . work of geniusâ, academic theologian Roland Boer described it as âpretentious and arrogantâ, the first part of the book merely âa paraphrase of Mark with a thin veneer of existential thoughtâ (2008: 243â244). Carroll does not set out to shock or to generate controversy; his aim in this book is simply to retell the story. As the sociologist of religion Gary Bouma (2007) has commented:
As early as 1980, Carroll argued that âThe art of story-telling is essential to sociologyâ (1980: 39). In Sceptical Sociology (1980) â his intellectual manifesto â he puts forward his vision for how sociologists should proceed. He argues that the discipline must return to its roots. The great classical works of sociology, âlike great works of literature or artâ, were able to âreveal important things about the human condition that had not been seen beforeâ (Carroll, 1980: 18). The discipline has become too idealistic and is preoccupied with a need to appear sufficiently scientific and socially relevant. In its use of âbarbaric jargonâ, âlegalistic syntaxâ and âstatistical tablesâ and in its âobsession with the humdrumâ (Carroll, 1980: 5) sociology has veered off course from its primary task. In the Preface, he writes:
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This identification of Tolstoyâs questions comes from Weberâs vocation lectures. Carroll chooses 1918 as his cutoff point as this was the year Weber delivered the lectures, two years before he died. Durkheim had died in 1917 and Marx and Tocqueville were long departed. In later works Carroll refers to more contemporary sociologists who have kept this tradition alive, but his point here is to emphasise that the vast majority of sociological work no longer engages with the âgreat metaphysical questionsâ. The best social theory, Carroll argues, teases out meaning from everyday life; it is a âprocess of making intelligibleâ that which was previously inchoate. It is not a literal description of the routines of everyday life but rather âthe getting behind that everyday life to reflect in terms of the metaphysical questions of how to live and what to do, or alternatively the questions of where we are and where we might be goingâ (Carroll, 1980: 18). If sociology is to succeed, Carroll argues, then it must return to âfirst principlesâ (1980: 3) and wrestle with the key metaphysical questions faced by us all.
I have sketched an outline of Carrollâs approach and the major themes of his metaphysical sociology; this will be filled out in greater depth in the chapters that follow. Carroll has written two pieces for this book: an introductory essay and a response to the other contributors. There is also the transcript of a radio interview with Carroll and Stephen Crittenden. The other contributors to this volume were asked to write an essay that engages with Carrollâs metaphysical sociology. While some provide critical discussions of his work, others use his ideas as a jumping-off point for new investigations. As such, this is a diverse collection in terms of subject matter, but thematically, all chapters return to the key concerns of culture, story and the question of how to live in modernity.
Metaphysical sociology
In the bookâs lead essay, âWhat is metaphysical sociology?â, Carroll puts forward his argument for a sociology that tackles the key questions of meaning faced by every individual: Where do I come from? What should I do with my life? And what happens to me when I die? The sociological âparentageâ of this approach, Carroll argues, can be found in Weber, Nietzsche and Durkheim. He also points to some later examples including David Riesman, Philip Rieff and Zygmunt Bauman. These accounts of culture and the contemporary Western condition, he argues, are too pessimistic. In the era following World War Two âcultural despairâ is not appropr...