International Day of Zero Tolerance for Female Genital Mutilation
On 6 February 2017, the United Nations (UN) marked International Day of Zero Tolerance for Female Genital Mutilation (IDZTFGM) (UN Women, 2017a). The annual occasion served as a powerful reminder of an intractable social problem affecting over 200 million girls and women worldwide (UNICEF, 2016; WHO, 2017). It also illustrated the extent to which online social media activism has now become part of the solution. In a statement released on the official UN Women website, Phumzile Mlambo-Ngcuka, UN Under-Secretary-General and Executive Director of UN Women, denounced the entrenched patriarchal mindset underlying Female Genital Mutilation (FGM):1
The existence of the practice of Female Genital Mutilation (FGM) concentrates some of the most intractable problems we face in trying to change the future for the worldâs girls. The cutting and sewing of a young childâs private parts so that she is substantially damaged for the rest of her life, has no sensation during sex except probably pain, and may well face further damage when she gives birth, is to many an obvious and horrifying violation of that childâs rights. It is a kind of control that lasts a lifetime. It makes a mockery of the idea of any part being truly private and underlines the institutionalized way in which decisions over her own body have been taken from that girl.
(Mlambo-Ngcuka cited in UN Women, 2017a)
AntĂłnio Guterres, UN Secretary-General, issued in turn a call for action: âOn this Day of Zero Toleranceâ, he said, âlet us build on positive momentum and commit to intensifying global action against this heinous human rights violation for the sake of all affected women and girls, their communities and our common futureâ (UN Secretary-General, 2017). A key target under Goal 5 of the UN Sustainable Development Goals (UN, 2016a, 2016b),2 ending FGM is part of a wider international drive to eradicate âall harmful practices, such as child, early and forced marriageâ (CEFM) (UN, 2016b). Central to the success of this collective endeavour to eradicate FGM lays the enabling power of online social media, which has long been harnessed by the UN to serve its humanitarian agenda. The extensive presence of the UN in cyberspace alone attests to the importance of Internet-based communications not only for the UN itself, but by extension, its many international partners, stakeholders and wider global audience. Along with an UN official website and bespoke individual sites for its various agencies, the UN counts with its own online blog, Web TV and audio channels, digital photo and audio-visual libraries together with a range of UN News mobile applications such as those aimed at iOS (Apple Inc.âs mobile operating system) and Android devices (UN, 2017a). The UNâs dedicated social media function moreover operates multiple accounts from various leading online media platforms including Twitter3 (Twitter, 2016a), Facebook4 (Facebook, 2018), YouTube5 (YouTube, 2016a, 2016b), LinkedIn,6 Instagram7 and Tumblr,8 to name a few (UN, 2017b). Such an array of online social media tools allows the UN to promote its shared anti-FGM agenda while reaching out to virtual communities worldwide. The extent of this online media strategy and the UNâs anti-FGM cyberactivism is showcased every year during IDZTFGM. The United Nations Population Fundâs (UNFPA) own social media output to mark the occasion illustrates this point. On 5 February 2017, the UNFPA, for instance, posted an anticipatory message on Twitter actively encouraging online users to support the UNâs flagship anti-FGM campaign the following day by engaging with social media:
On Monday, 6 Feb., watch live as activists, youth & health experts talk about how YOU can help #EndFGM: http://Facebook.com/UNFPA#GlobalGoals.
(UNFPA, 2017a)
The tweet featured an official UN poster depicting a hand holding a mobile phone with the caption: âJoin UNFPA, The United Nations Population Fund [February 6] for a Facebook Live ChatâŚâ (UNFPA, 2017a). The post included links to the relevant UN Facebook page together with the #EndFGM and #GlobalGoals hashtags9 (UN, 2016a, 2016b). The UNFPAâs website carried the same picture and encouraged users to âWatch, participate, take actionâ, âStay tuned for Facebook Live programmingâ and âListen to activists, survivors, young people, journalists and health experts speaking throughout the day about the reality of FGM and what you can do about itâ (UNFPA, 2017b). The UN Facebook page itself carried a further post including a link to the UNâs own website:
Female genital mutilation is a long-running harmful traditional practice that has led generations of women to a lifetime of pain, a lack of control of their own bodily integrity and sexuality, and debilitating health risks, including death ⌠UNFPA [UN Population Fund] and UNICEF [UN Childrenâs Fund] lead the largest global programme to #endFGM. More here: http://www.unfpa.org/female-genital-mutilation.
(UN, 2017c)
The UNâs YouTube Channel, in turn, ran a video titled â#EndFGM by 2030, for the sake of our ââcommon futureââ (UN, 2017e). It pointed in comparable terms to the scale of the FGM problem and the challenges it poses to the well-being of girls and women affected. The video highlighted the investment required to effect meaningful change, estimating that â$980 million will be needed to significantly impact FGM between 2018 and 2030â (UNFPA cited in UN, 2017e). Part of the UNâs overarching communications strategy, similar multimedia messages by various UN agencies appeared in cyberspace signposting online users to relevant initiatives and programmes (GEM Report, 2017; UN Education Report, 2017; UNICEF Education, 2017).
As the evidence presented in this book will show, engaging with online multimedia tools is not only a defining characteristic of social media, but also the standard modus operandi of those involved in activism generally and anti-FGM cyberactivism in particular. Of all the advantages afforded to anti-FGM activists by online technology, it is precisely the ability to simultaneously use multimedia systems across different platforms that provides them with unprecedented access to a global audience. Online multimedia anti-FGM materials are therefore regularly posted on main social media platforms such as Twitter, Facebook and YouTube. Twitter posts, for instance, typically direct online users to other Twitter accounts, hashtags, news items and Internet websites. Twitterâs functionality moreover allows for images, videos and multimedia links to other online platforms to be included in tweets. Twitter users can furthermore âlikeâ10 and âretweetâ (RT)11 posts as they interact with members of their online community, thus allowing for an endless flow of information being instantly disseminated far and wide. Within this context, single YouTube video uploads and the more structured YouTube channels have proven a popular dissemination vehicle for individuals and organisations campaigning against FGM as well as wider gender activism. Since 2006, for example, the UN YouTube channel (UN, 2017d) has featured videos âon a wide range of global topics including current news, peace and security, social and economic development, human rightsâ, among others (UN, 2017d). At the time of writing, the channel features 6,198 videos, counts with 123,058 subscribers and recorded 27,918,750 views (UN, 2017d). In turn, specific gender-related UN agencies and initiatives such as UN Women (2017a), He For She (HeForShe, 2017) and the United Nations Childrenâs Fund (UNICEF, 2017) have spawned their own individual YouTube channels. Set up in 2010, UN Women YouTube channel, for instance, currently features 535 videos broadly relating to gender equality, violence against women including FGM as well as womenâs rights and development issues (UN Women, 2017c). The channel presently counts with 16,363 subscribers and recorded 4,351,153 views (UN Women, 2017c).
It is against this background that the present book examines the rise of online social media in recent years and its impact on FGM activism. Within the context of ubiquitous social networking platforms such as Twitter (2016a), Facebook (2018) and YouTube (2016a), the volume documents developments in anti-FGM campaigning over time. It also considers the ways in which activists have deployed new Internet-based technology and how cyberactivism has shaped their traditional offline efforts. The volume shows how the interactive nature of social media has allowed individual users of virtual spaces to connect with âlarge-scale narrativesâ of FGM affecting âa global communityâ (Dosemagen, 2016). The unprecedented reach of online multimedia platforms has also seen cyberactivists engaged in the fluid process of framing the FGM phenomenon from predominantly a health concern to a human rights issue as well as redefining the meaning of âactivismâ and their own âcollective identityâ (McCaughey and Ayers, 2003). Underpinned by a feminist perspective (Berkovitch and Bradley, 1999; Julios, 2015; Kasana, 2014; Wade, 2009, 2012), the volume examines the opportunities and challenges presented by online activism including the spread of cyber-misogyny as a by-product of patriarchal attitudes in virtual public spaces. Drawing from social movement theory (Fairfield, 2012; Gilmore, 2012; McCaughey and Ayers, 2003; Opp, 2009), the book furthermore examines potential drawbacks of online mobilisation such as so-called clicktivism and the dangers of âtechnological determinism that glosses over the importance of offline participationâ (Harlow, 2011: 6; Van de Donk et al., 2004). By exploring for the first time the impact of social media on FGM activism, this book fills a gap in the literature, which has largely overlooked the digital aspects of FGM while focusing instead on survivor-led, public health policy and human rights-based narratives (Ali, 2007; Burrage, 2015; Dirie and Miller, 1999; Dorkenoo, 1994; Koso-Thomas, 1992; Wardere, 2016). Engaging with feminist and social movement theory as well as practice will allow the book to further understanding of gendered approaches to cyberactivism within the context of FGM and harmful cultural practices. In doing so, the book raises important questions about the evolving nature of anti-FGM advocacy in a technologically dominated world and the implications for future action.
Cutting girls: like mother, like daughter
In her seminal biography Desert Flower: The Extraordinary Life of a Desert Nomad, Waris Dirie describes how as a child she was subjected to a traditional FGM procedure in her native Somalia (Dirie and Miller, 1999). Dirieâs memoir is one of the first prominent accounts from an FGM survivor of its kind. It also forms the basis of her remarkable transition from becoming one of Africaâs first fashion supermodels to turning herself into an award-winning anti-FGM campaigner and, in 2002, Founder of the Waris Dirie Foundation (eight years later renamed as Desert Flower Foundation) (Desert Flower Foundation, 2015). Dirieâs Desert Flower traces her early formative years in a patriarchal nomadic tribe in the Gallacaio region on the Somali border with Ethiopia (Dirie and Miller, 1999). In accordance with local custom, when Dirie was five years old, her mother Fattuma Ahmed Aden hired a âgypsy womanâ to perform the rite-of-passage ritual involving cutting off the girlâs genitals and sewing up her vagina (Dirie and Miller, 1999). Like many of her fellow FGM victims before her, Dirie was unware at the time of what she was about to undergo and neither did she receive any appropriate medical treatment or anaesthetics throughout. Instead Fattuma resorted to blindfolding and restraining her daughter during the procedure. In the meantime, the seasoned âcircumciserâ proceeded to excise Dirieâs genitalia with a worn-out razorblade, then stitched up the wounds with a set of âthorns from an acacia treeâ and a piece of white thread, leaving only a small orifice for the passing of urine and menstrual blood (Dirie and Miller, 1999: 45â46). Despite being rendered unconscious due to extreme pain and trauma, Dirie managed to survive her âcircumcisionâ and its aftermath, but only after having sustained life-changing injuries. Reflecting on her childhood experience decades later, Dirie would declare: âAll I knew was that I had been butchered with my motherâs permission, and I couldnât understand whyâ (Dirie and Miller, 1999: 48).
What happened to Dirie as a child in rural Somalia largely mirrors the experience of the FGM survivors interviewed for this book together with the over 200 million girls and women worldwide estimated today to have been subjected to some form of FGM, with 44 million of them being below the age of 15 (UNICEF, 2016). The practice of FGM is âusually carried out on girls between infancy and the age of 15â, being common in âwestern, eastern and northeastern regions of Africa, and some countries in the Middle East and Asiaâ (WHO, 2013 cited in Terry and Harris, 2013: 41). Although the exact figure of FGM victims/survivors worldwide remains âunknownâ, existing data show that the practice is âhighly concentrated in a swath of countries from the Atlantic coast to the Horn of Africa, in areas of the Middle East such as Iraq and Yemen and in some countries in Asia like Indonesiaâ (UNICEF, 2016, 2014). Three states alone account for more than half of the 200 million girls and women affected by FGM worldwide, namely: Indonesia, Egypt and Ethiopia (UNICEF, 2016). A veritable global phenomenon, FGM-practising countries and cultures have exported the practice beyond their national borders âwith large variations in terms of the type performed, circumstances surrounding the practice and size of the affected population groupsâ (UNICEF, 2016). FGM is now present in Europe, North and South America, India, Australia, Malaysia, Oman, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates (EIGE, 2015; UNICEF, 2016, 2013). Horner (2016) recently reported ...