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Chapter 1
The silent āTā in LGBT+ police studies
Transgender identification in America, England and Wales
No concrete numbers exist concerning the prevalence of transgender identification, but some research estimates that there are over 700,000 transgender individuals in the U.S.A. (Gates, 2011). Previous research based on gender reassignment surgeries performed each year in America indicates that between one out of every 500 and one out of every 2,500 people identify as transsexual (Conway, 2001). Notably, not all transgender individuals identify as transsexual, and some transsexuals may opt out of having gender reassignment surgery.
In the U.K., as in America, there exists no concrete estimate on the number of individuals who identify as transgender, but some research estimations are around 300,000ā500,000 (Reed et al., 2009). The prevalence of transsexual identities, based on reported NHS gender reassignment surgeries each year, indicate 20 per 100,000 patients have sought medical care for gender variance, with 6,000 undergoing surgical transition (Gender Identity Research and Education Society, GIRES, 2011). Research trends in the U.K. indicate an upward trend of 11 per cent undergoing gender reassignment surgeries every year, with an anticipated doubling of patients seeking out gender reassignment treatment every 5ā6 years (Reed et al., 2009). Arguably, trans identities are becoming more visible and are increasing in frequency within society (see Miles-Johnson, 2015; Panter, 2017).
It should be noted that empirical estimations of gender identities, with respect to transgender research, are difficult. First, some trans individuals may try to keep their trans status private, making them difficult to account for. Second, trans identities represent a broad spectrum of various gender identities and expressions. Historically, when we examine the prevalence of trans identities, previous research has only indicated a small proportion of those who actually identify as transgender. Western studies yield a range of 1 : 11,900 to 1 : 45,000 for trans feminine identities, and 1 : 30,400 to 1 : 200,000 for trans masculine identities (see Gates, 2011; Olyslager and Conway, 2007; Reed et al., 2009). Notably, the statistics covering the prevalence of transsexuality and other forms of gender variance are difficult to measure and should be used with prudence.
Conceptualising transgender identities
Wilchins (2002), as other gender researchers, contemplated what transgender actually means, stating that the term is āused commonly in two ways: as both an identity and a descriptive adjectiveā (p. 60). Wilchins (2002) points out that as an identity, the question of gender itself can be raised. As a descriptive adjective, Wilchins (2002) further questions if transitioning genders is something we are or something we do (p. 60). Conflicting arguments between gender theorist who understand gender as ādoingā and transgender activists claiming trans identity as ābeingā (Wilchins, 2002) have led to further questions.1 Notably, within academic discourses and within the transgender community, language surrounding any challenge to āconventions of legitimate genderā (Stryker, 1994: 84) will always be contentious. As such, I must openly confess to readers that as a criminologist interested in policing studies, the complex multifaceted arguments of gender existentialism will be minimally covered within this book. Therefore, readers must be aware that linguistic terms which are associated with transgender subjectives are not encompassing terms within gender existentialism arguments. Further, I do not contend that my research participantsā voices represent the various transgender communities as a whole. Therefore, the main focus of this book is not on how transgender subjectives are defined in the social sciences, instead the focus primarily is on how gender and sexuality ideologies within policing influence (trans)gender identities within policing.
Notably, gender researchers have frequently defined the transgender community as a social grouping that consists of various subgroup identities. These identities include transsexuals, intersex individuals, gender variant identities and cross-dressers. Sociologists contend that there is terminological confusion within this transgender assemblage (see Rizzo, 2006). Johnson (2012) states:
Transitioning is something that always necessitates some form of movement across or between the socially established binary genders, but it must be acknowledged that when theorists or individuals refer to the collective trans, they mean different things in terms of both identities and practices.
(p. 608)
Whittle (2000), a major contributor to transgender studies, provided a useful explanation of why trans is an encompassing term for those who challenge binary genders:
ā¦ transgender is an umbrella term used to define a political and social community which is inclusive of transsexual people, transgender people, cross-dressers (transvestites), and other groups of āgender variantā people such as drag queens and kings, butch lesbians, and āmannishā or āpassingā women. āTransgenderā has also been used to refer to all persons who express gender in ways not traditionally associated with their sex. Similarly, it has also been used to refer to all persons who express gender in non-traditional ways, but continue to identify as the sex of their birth.
(p. 65)
As Whittle (2000) illustrates, a sociological framework of the word transgender is beneficial to better understand gender diversity.
Theoretically, Prosser (1995, 1998) differentiated transsexuals as individuals who search for a gendered āhomeā versus gender variant individuals who live on the āborderlandsā between genders under a transgender assemblage. Prosser (1995, 1998) and Rubin (1996) argued that a distinction should be made between subjective experiences of gender variant identities under the assemblage of ātransgenderā and transsexuals in order to avoid the āuniversalizing of transā (Prosser, 1998: 201). Therefore, this book explores some essentialist categories separately, not in an effort to imply that all transgender narratives are alike, but instead to highlight that different members of the transgender community experience similar reported incidents of transgender bias within policing itself. Notably, much like Halberstamās (1998) research, this subgrouping of essentialist categories is not used to argue as to what constitutes a ārealā transgender identity; instead this book will be examining the politics of transgender mobility within policing.
Therefore, in accordance with other researchers (see Erich et al., 2010; GagnƩ et al., 1997; Miles-Johnson, 2013, 2015), this research defines transgender as including the following individuals: those who have had gender reassignment surgery to change from one biological sex to the other; those taking hormones and other medications to help transition their physical body from one to another; those who dress as the gender opposite of their biological sex because they feel they belong to the wrong sex; those who privately dress as the gender opposite of their biological sex for personal or erotic reasons;2 those who desire to be the opposite gender of their biological sex; and those individuals who do not identify or associate with stereotypical binary gender categories.
Transsexuals
A transsexual individual can be defined as a āmaleā or āfemaleā that, through biological or psychological factors, expresses a particular binary gender role and potentially wants biological congruity with their gender preference (Kane-DeMaios, 2006). For an individual to be medically diagnosed as transsexual, three criteria must be met: (1) they must possess the desire to live and be accepted as a member of their adopted gender; (2) this must typically be accompanied by the desire to make their body as congruent as possible with the preferred sex through surgery and hormone treatment; (3) they must have the trans identity present for years; and (4) the identity is not a system of a mental disorder or a chromosomal abnormality (Whittle, 2000). Transsexual identities are typically classified as FTM or MTF. Female-to-male (i.e. FTM, transman) is an individual who has transitioned or is in the process of transitioning to male, identifies as male and was previously assigned female at birth. Male-to-female (i.e. MTF, transwoman) is an individual who has transitioned or is in the process of transitioning to female, identifies as female and was previously assigned male at birth.3
In accordance with other researchers (see Erich et al., 2010; GagnĆ© et al., 1997; Law et al., 2011), transsexuals within the context of this book will be identified as: those who have had gender reassignment surgery to change their biological sex to another, and/or those taking hormones and other medications to help transition their physical body from one sex to another. Notably, not all transsexuals will want to take hormones, and some may be unable to take hormones for medical reasons. Yet, transsexual identities are often connected to some form of surgical intervention (e.g. clitotoplasty, mastectomy, metoidioplasty, oophorectomy, orchidectomy, penectomy, phalloplasty, vaginoplasty, etc.).4 These medical and surgical interventions occur in the transsexual community because their assigned birth gender does not match their gender, and thus medical treatment is needed to make their bodies conform to the gender with which they identify. Arguably, because of stereotypical binary gender role ideology within society, transsexuals often feel the need to take every possible means to medically and socially conform to the gender role to which they feel they belong. Tragically, some transsexual identities are both societal victims and societal perpetrators of socialised reinforced binary constructs of āmaleā and āfemaleā gender, unlike other members of the transgender community.5
Intersex identities
Besides transsexual identities, one transgender identity that is typically under-researched under the transgender assemblage are those who identify as intersex. Like transsexual identities, intersex individuals are also victims of socialised reinforced binary constructs. Yet, unlike transsexual identities, some intersex identities are medically forced without consent from birth to physically conform to a gender binary. This typically occurs when the parents of an intersexed child force them to undergo medical procedures after birth or during childhood because they possess genitalia assigned to both sexes. In this type of scenario, although rare, parents choose which gender they believe their child will physically present better than the later or their preferred sex of their child. Yet some intersex identities do not possess both biological genitalia, leaving some intersex individuals to make surgical and/or medical gender realignment decisions later on in life.
Typically, a chromosomal disorder is associated with individuals who are intersexed. It should be noted that intersex individuals, a phenomenon also known as sexual dimorphism, could be considered trans, but some view themselves as separate from transsexuals. Intersex individuals possess immediate or atypical combinations of physical features that usually distinguish male from female. This can include individuals who have non-XX or non-XY, Turner syndrome, Klinefelter syndrome, Kallmann syndrome, androgen insensitivity syndrome, partial androgen insensitivity syndrome, congenital adrenal hyperplasia, late onset congenital adrenal hyperplasia, vaginal agenesis, or idiopathic hypogonadotropic hypogonadism (Blackless et al., 2000). It should be noted that the actual occurrence of an individual being born as intersex is roughly between 0.1 per cent and 2 per cent (Blackless et al., 2000) and they comprise a very small portion of the transgender population, hence why they are typically under-researched. Notably during the course of this research, I only secured one interview with an intersex officer. As such, this research will instead mainly focus on transsexual officers, transgender officers, gender variant individuals and cross-dresser officers, since the one intersexed officer I interviewed considered himself a transman, despite his medical diagnosis of being intersexed.
Gender variants
Gender variance is very different to transsexual identities, intersex identities and cross-dresser identities. Someone who identifies as gender variant is ...
