Anti-capitalism

A Beginner's Guide

Simon Tormey

• Publisher: Oneworld Publications
• Year: 2013
• eBook ISBN: 9781780742519
• Edition: 2
• Topic: Philosophy
• Subtopic: Political Philosophy

Specifically, the book tackles the question: Who exactly are the anti-capitalists and what do they want? Simon Tormey examines the ideas of the various components that make up the movement: the anarchists and Marxists, the greens and environmentalists, the anti-corporate activists and autonomists, among many others. He looks in detail at how the movement operates its reliance on a unique combination of word-of-mouth, the internet, and communications technology. The examples he draws on include the efforts of the Zapatistas, who helped the indigenous peoples of the Chiapas region of Mexico to establish an autonomous zone beyond the clutches of the Mexican state.

1

The hows and whys of capitalism

A question of definition

In a book about anti-capitalism we are naturally enough going to hear all sorts of reasons why it is that we should be opposed to capitalism. Many of these arguments will differ in sometimes surprising and indeed conflicting ways; but one thing they will all have in common is that they know what they are against: ‘Capitalism’ – or, more likely, refinements of the same such as ‘neoliberal capitalism’, ‘transnational capitalism’, ‘economic globalisation’, ‘corporate capitalism’. Whilst anti-capitalist literature is replete with reasons why one should oppose capitalism, they are often less helpful on what capitalism is and how it differs from other forms of social organisation. They are often less than forthcoming, too, on why it is that capitalism is ‘hegemonic’, why it appears natural or normal to so many (as it does). Thus what the beginner to the subject might already have asked him or herself is how it is that anyone came to think that capitalism was worth defending in the first place. So, thinking in terms of how to initiate the beginner into the nature of anti-capitalism, it is as good a place as any to start with some brief thoughts on capitalism itself. In particular we need to think about how capitalism established itself as a dominant economic system, and one accepted as rational and desirable by many across both the developed and developing world.

First of all it will be helpful to think about the central term capitalism itself. What exactly is capitalism? There are two ways of answering this question. The first is to think of it in abstract terms, that is in terms of what it represents as a relationship between people. The second is to think in more historical terms, i.e. of how it is that capitalism came about, and how it developed into the system we see before us today. Why do we need two ways of thinking about the same object? The easy answer is that since the dawn of capitalism in the early modern period (roughly the seventeenth century onwards) capitalism has obviously changed a great deal. Indeed it has changed so much that it is remarkable to be talking about the same ‘thing’ at all, the world of the twenty-first century being radically different to that of even the nineteenth century, let alone the seventeenth. Yet economists and commentators still agree for the most part that there is a fundamental continuity between then and now. What then is the continuity? Fortunately there is little controversy over the matter. Capitalism is not in this sense a particularly contested term in itself. What is contested is whether it is just, rational or otherwise in the best interests of humanity. In abstract terms it is said that we have capitalism where we see the following:

• private ownership over the means of production: land, factories, businesses;

• paid employment or, to put it another way, ‘wage labour’;

• creation of goods – or the offering of services – for profit via a system of exchange, i.e. the market.

This is a pretty anodyne definition, which is to say that most of those who take some professional interest in the matter would regard it with a shrug of the shoulders. This is what is intended. We are looking for a base line here: something that can be agreed on, so that we can understand exactly what it is that pro-capitalists celebrate and anti-capitalists object to. Looking at the definition other questions will, however, arise. Beginners as well as cynics might think that capitalism looks in this view utterly basic to human experience. What other kinds of economic relations might there be?

There is some substance to the concern, the chief among these being the relationship between capitalism and the market, or ‘commodity production’. Hasn’t there always been a market, and thus capitalism? The market or commodity production is indeed much older than capitalism, and there are those who would insist that virtually every society known to us embraced some form of market exchange, whether that be the exchange of shark teeth, beetroot or gold pieces. This is actually a very important point in relation to questions raised in relation to anti-capitalism, and so the need for clarity here is acute. The point is that the market is not an invention of capitalism, nor does the market of itself lead to capitalism. Markets have existed alongside all manner of different economic regimes and different forms of ownership. The mere exchange of equivalents does not necessitate or make inevitable wage labour, which is in turn the key to understanding the distinctiveness of capitalist production. Nor is the market in this sense something new or confined to capitalist economies. Markets have existed for longer than human history itself, which is not to say that the market is inevitable or necessary to human life as such, only that markets frequently arise in the course of human interrelationships, and will probably go on doing so as long as people want to swap things. But the point is, the market is not capitalism, and capitalism is not the market. So what is?

Looking back at the definition what becomes apparent is that one of the distinctive features of capitalism is that it serves a particular kind of market, namely that for labour. In pre-capitalist times labour was sometimes bought, but more often than not it was procured by some other means, classically by the institution of slavery, and more recently by bondage, vassalage, or other arrangement that rendered individuals directly subservient to someone else. Through force of arms, conquest, or some other more or less violent process people were made subjects of a lord or noble. As a slave or serf a person had little or no control over his or her own life, but rather was a mere adjunct of an ‘estate’ to which he or she was personally tied. As feudalism and slavery were overthrown or displaced, so those who were liberated became ‘masterless’ men (and women), freed to try and procure a living for themselves, usually through selling their labour to someone who needed it for the factories, mines and workhouses that accompanied the process of industrialisation. Here, in short, we see a process by which the economic relation of feudalism, namely control over the person is transformed into the capitalist economic relation in which some people buy other people’s labour power. Whereas in the market place of Ancient Rome or of ante bellum America it was people who were bought and sold, in the capitalist market place it is our labour power that is bought and sold. But what is our labour power bought and sold for? Why do people need to buy and sell labour power?

Money, money, money

This brings us to the second relatively uncontroversial part of the definition of capitalism, which is that under capitalism the primary purpose of production is profit or making money. This too sounds a banal fact about the way we live. What on earth could be the point of setting up companies, working hard, taking risks, indeed getting up in the morning if it was not for making money?

We shall hear quite a lot more about what other ends production could serve when we come to discuss anti-capitalist ideas themselves, but for the purpose of contrast we could at this point think about one possible alternative to production as profit, which is production for what is termed ‘subsistence’. It is probably a truism to note that over the course of human history most economic activity has been for the purpose of maintaining the well-being of the family and the extended groups of which the individual is a part rather than for making a profit as such. Looking closely at pre-capitalist production what is striking is the degree to which people worked just enough to ensure that they have the things they need to keep them going and to ensure that as and when unexpected crises come along (bad weather, poor crops etc.), there was enough surplus to ensure that everyone was looked after. This is what it means to subsist: a farmer works hard enough and long enough to make sure that all basic needs are met. Beyond that however, life is for living, singing songs, lazing in the sun, swimming, painting or whatever. Under such conditions profit has little rationale. To the subsistence farmer, profit requires extra work, and extra work means less time to do the other things she or he wants to do as well. This is one of the ironies of capitalist production spotted by the very earliest critics of capitalism. We often work harder and longer hours to be able to do the things that, if we worked less and for fewer hours, we would be able to do anyway, like lazing in the sun. So inevitably the question arises of why capitalism is characterised by production for profit as opposed to something else, like subsistence.

To answer this question we need to make a link between wage labour and profit creation, for what has yet to be clarified is why anyone would want to work for someone else rather than work for themselves as, say, a subsistence farmer. Why do most of us work for someone else, and not for ourselves, or for our families, or relatives or friends and neighbours, or with whom we choose?

Historically, the reason why most of us work for others is that we have very little choice but to do so. It is again a truism to note that in most parts of the world, the most important resource allowing a degree of independence to individuals, namely land, was conquered, invaded or otherwise taken from indigenous groups to serve the needs of royal families, conquistadores, colonial barons, imperial elites or states. In the UK the story of the creation of masterless men – or future ‘employees’ – is one that concerns conquest of a particularly crude, and at times bloody, kind over the course of the previous three centuries, and this is to say nothing of 1066 and the Norman conquest of Britain. Formerly independent subsistence farmers were thrown off the land, in turn forcing them into the towns and cities to search for work. We can note that some of the very first anti-capitalist protests and demonstrations were sparked off by such processes. They account in part for the sporadic resistances, sometimes violent, that punctuate modern British history, notwithstanding the impression given by conservative historians that Britain’s historical development is a largely peaceful affair.

This is part of the story of the industrial revolution in Britain, and it is in turn part of the story of virtually every country the world over. It is part of the story of anti-capitalism in those countries that have experienced the failures of land reform in recent times. We could mention here the case of Mexico where the Zapatista rebellion of 1994 was initiated by those seeking a return of control over scarce arable land in the mountainous Chiapas region. We could also mention the Sem Terra, or landless, of Brazil striving for the means of getting land for those who have been deprived of it, or the Via Campesina network that attempts to help various groups restore their rights to land and agricultural produce. Much of Hugo Chavez’s support in Venezuela came from the landless poor. But the story of the conquest of ‘subsistence’ is not the whole story, as those who defend capitalism will, with varying degrees of skill and urgency, insist.

We should also note, however, that the private ownership of the means of production is hardly intrinsic to human experience. For much of history, hunter-gathering was the norm and where this was displaced it was often by various forms of collective ownership, whether by families or kinship groups, or by larger units such as villages, towns and city-states. We can also note that even under advanced industrial conditions private ownership of production existed side-by-side with public ownership, as for example in the welfare or social democratic states of the early to mid-twentieth century. As recently as the mid-1980s over 50% of French GDP was accounted for by publicly owned enterprises. Even this ratio is dwarfed by the situation that obtained in communist states such as the former Soviet Union where the vast bulk of the productive capacity of the country rested in ‘collective’ hands, admittedly a euphemism for the party-state apparatus that ruled the country until its collapse in 1991. The private ownership of the means of production has thus historically supplanted a variety of other kinds of ownership, collective, communal and feudal. It also supplanted varieties of non-ownership, as in hunter-gathering and nomadic forms of life that subsisted without resort to ownership over the land and natural resources. It has also co-existed alongside rival forms of ownership, particularly the large-scale state ownership seen in the former communist bloc. Many if not all of these alternatives have some supporters amongst anti-capitalist groups, and so we will be returning to the issue of which, if any of them, could provide a realistic and/or desirable alternative to the forms of ownership so many anti-capitalists object to.

So to summarise this brief discussion, we can talk about capitalism in abstraction from the historical conditions that brought it into being, but only just. Without some element of that history, we get the how, but we don’t get the why, which is equally part of the case before us. We can see that capitalism is not the same as the market. Capitalism is of course a market society, but market societies may take forms other than those found under capitalist conditions. Even feudal and slave-owning societies were market societies. We can also see that capitalism requires a certain kind of social relation, namely that between formally free individuals. This means that wage labour is only possible where people are free to the extent of being able to sell their own labour power to someone else. People whose labour is forcefully taken from them are formally unfree like slaves or serfs. We can also see that capitalism is about the creation of profit. Profit is needed not least to give owners the money they need to keep themselves alive. It is also needed to reinvest in their businesses, in particular in the new technology and equipment that will enable them to compete successfully with others and thereby maintain those profits without which any capitalist enterprise will fail.

Capitalism as a system of competition

Though we have not mentioned it so far, this final point illustrates an important aspect of capitalism, which is that it is normally, though not necessarily, characterised by intense competition. Capitalism is as we know defined by the existence of a market; without a market there is no capitalism. A market is a physical or nominal space in which those with something to sell or exchange – like their own labour – can seek buyers. Much of the time there are others who will be wanting to sell something similar, and so there is a competition for buyers. What determines who wins the competition is, when all other things are equal, price. If I can sell tomatoes for a lower price than you can, I will sell more tomatoes than you.

The lower the basic costs, the lower, potentially, one can set the price of goods. So the tendency in market-based societies is competition on costs, all of the costs not just that of the labour power without which ultimately there can be no tomato farming. The seller who can reduce her costs, can reduce her prices further than the seller who has higher costs. This in turn means that in an environment of intense competition and relatively open markets that seller will be at an advantage: she will win the competition, driving her competitors out of business, into retirement or another sector of the market. That is until another tomato grower comes along who thinks she can reduce her costs even further (and so on).

What still needs clarification, however, is the difference between capitalist and non-capitalist forms of market competition. The tomato seller example used above illustrates some of what happens in markets as such, not just capitalist markets. Isn’t there a difference? Indeed there is. As we have had occasion to note, a key to understanding capitalism is wage labour, and thus the competition for labour between capitalists. They need us, and in the absence of other means of keeping ourselves alive like having our own land, we need them. So the cost issue that we were discussing above refers very particularly to the costs of labour power and of keeping us working. This is much less the case in pre-capitalist societies where a great deal of production is based either on enforced labour of the feudal kind or on subsistence farming and manufacture which is characterised by family or small group production, rather than on wage labour. We have also noted that production in the capitalist market is for profit, with at least some of that profit being used for increasing the level of productivity through investing in machinery, new technologies, plant and equipment. So capitalism is a particularly energetic, or perhaps a frenetic, form of market society. Whereas the pre-capitalist market mainly concerns the reproduction of the basic necessities of life (give or take a few luxury goods) the capitalist market concerns the accumulation of capital though the exploitation of all available means for the increasing of production, whilst at the same time diminishing costs. Under the capitalist market there is no resting place for producer or seller. Capitalism is in its own self-image a Darwinian struggle, a struggle with many winners and many losers. It is for this reason that even Marx paused – part in admiration, part in incredulity – at the sheer relentlessness of the system, even whilst exclaiming how much he detested it.

Capitalism today

So far we have been describing capitalism in fairly abstract terms. That is, we have been trying to extract what it is that unites the very early forms of capitalist society with what we see around us today, but what we see around us Now is very different in many ways to what existed Then. It is time to think about what these differences are so we get a better sense of what capitalism is. This means thinking further about:

• interdependence and the transnationalisation of capitalism;

• corporate consolidation;

• the legal and political framework of economic globalisation;

• financialisation.

Towards a global (economic) village: interdependence and the transnationalisation of capitalism

It is no doubt true to say that capitalism has since its beginnings always been a world or ‘global’ system, in the sense that the rise of capitalism coincides with, and feeds upon, the rise of colonialism and inter-continental conquest. The markets of Europe in the sixteenth and seventeenth centuries were never in this sense merely markets for local produce, with local buyers and local sellers, but were supplemented with produce from colonies such as tobacco, wood and precious metals. But what is equally obvious is the degree to which, over the course of the development of the modern world, we see an ever-increasing interdependence between markets, producers and sellers. But what does this interdependence mean? What does it mean to be increasingly interdependent apart from the fact that there is more stuff to buy in the shops?

Thinking in terms of capital itself it becomes obvious that, over the course of the twentieth century, owners have removed capital, that is money, assets and resources from local, regional and national contexts in the pursuit of greater profit. Capitalists were once local people investing in local businesses, using local employment. This is no longer the case. Since the Second World War capital has become increasingly mobile, meaning that capitalists have been able to invest wherever they see the greatest possible return on their investment. They have been able to take advantage of ever-diminishing costs in terms of air freight, communications infrastructure and IT capabilities to outsource production to far-flung parts of the world. Such changes are often referred to in the specialist literature in terms of the transition from ‘national capitalism’, to ‘multinational capitalism’ and finally to ‘transnational’ or ‘global’ capitalism proper. These labels give some idea of what is said to have occurred. The term ‘globalisation’ is more commonly used than any of these more specialist terms, but globalisation or, better, economic globalisation is just another way of talking about the same phenomenon, i.e. the growing interdependence of the world economy. Again, there is nothing new about global inter...

Table of contents

• Cover
• Title page
• Copyright page
• Contents
• Acknowledgements
• Introduction
• 1 The hows and whys of capitalism
• 2 Anti-capitalism after the ‘end of history’
• 3 A ‘movement of movements’ I: ‘reformism’, or ‘globalisation with a human face’
• 4 A ‘movement of movements’ II: renegades, radicals and revolutionaries
• 5 The future(s) of anti-capitalism: problems and perspectives
• Contemporary anti-capitalism: a timeline
• Glossary of key terms, thinkers and movements
• Resources
• Index