Part I
Broadening Indigenous Feminisms
The Uninvited
by Jana-Rae Yerxa
Be like the beauty and brightness of the sun
emerge without permission
because fierce is never invited.
Tap on darknessâs shoulder
to say âI am here, it is my turnâ
while lighting up the sky.
Us
by Elaine McArthur
In homes, churches
on park benches in cities small towns, on reserves and on the road
we are dirty clothes battling ghosts in the liquor store doorway
with a hand out for your change
Painted faces
high heels mini skirts
a backseat tumble
for a twenty dollar fumble we are in school
reading our way out working everyday praying that sons and
daughters stay out of gangs and out of your car
Beaded pieces adorning our bodies in modest length dress being led by the beat of a drum yet we are living in fear
that we might be the next high cheek boned missing
Chapter 1
Making Matriarchs at Coqualeetza: StĂł:lĆ Womenâs Politics and Histories across Generations
Madeline Rose Knickerbocker1
On the morning of 3 May 1976, a group of StĂł:lĆ protestors arrived at Coqualeetza and occupied a two-storey brick building on the site that the Canadian Armed Forces (CAF) used as overflow housing for their adjacent base in Chilliwack, BC.2 Originally known as KwâeqwĂĄ:lĂthâĂĄ, Coqualeetza is an important StĂł:lĆ cultural site that settlers appropriated in the nineteenth century.3 For decades, StĂł:lĆ people had been pushing for the initiation of a land claims process for return of the site, owned by the federal government and managed by the Department of Public Works. Additionally, as StĂł:lĆ cultural education programs expanded rapidly in the 1970s, StĂł:lĆ educators saw the Coqualeetza site as the obvious place to establish a permanent community space for their work. By 1976, StĂł:lĆ efforts to reclaim the land had become entwined with the potential use of the space for cultural education, and the occupation that began that day was the final escalation of years of activist efforts.
The roughly forty occupiersâStĂł:lĆ and other Indigenous people of all agesâwere mainly women; they arrived midmorning with supplies and gear, prepared for an occupation of several days. Their first actions were to gather in a circle and declare that the occupation would be non-violent and drug- and alcohol-free. In response to this peaceful demonstration, soldiers stationed at the nearby CAF base moved onto the site, conducting drills and positioning snipers on nearby buildings. In the early evening, the army, now supported by the Royal Canadian Mounted Police (RCMP), ordered the occupiers to exit or prepare to be removed and arrested. Defying this ultimatum, the occupiers barricaded themselves inside the building and began singing and drumming together, declaring âThis is our land!â At 6:30 p.m., soldiers attempted to enter the building by force and were met with resistance from the activists inside, but eventually gained entry after breaking through a glass door. The incursion provoked the departure of some occupiers, while about twenty-three stayed. Armed forces personnel physically removed activists: some were on their feet as flanking soldiers pushed them out; others who refused to walk were forcibly hauled out by officers. The occupation ended as the army segregated the seventeen remaining protestors by gender, ordered them onto army trucks, and drove them down to the police station, under arrest.4
The Coqualeetza occupation is a significant moment in late twentieth-century StĂł:lĆ histories of culture and politics. In this chapter, I focus specifically on what the occupation and the protests leading up to it reveal about the gendered dynamics of StĂł:lĆ politics during the 1970s. While Coqualeetzaâs position as a cultural site caught up in a political battle encapsulates the interconnectedness of heritage and sovereignty in StĂł:lĆ politics, employing such a lens in isolation frames the activism at Coqualeetza entirely within the context of StĂł:lĆâsettler conflicts over land and knowledge. Considering the significant number of women involved, their leadership of the occupation, and their role as cultural educators, exploring the gender dynamics at play between StĂł:lĆ people during the occupation is necessary, and reveals a more complex understanding of the protestâs significance. Incorporating gender analysis into StĂł:lĆ-centred narratives of the Coqualeetza occupation still highlights the strength of StĂł:lĆ political agitation against the settler state, while simultaneously affirming the power and necessity of StĂł:lĆ womenâs work as cultural curators and political leaders in communities that, to variable extents and because of historical context, were influenced by settler-colonial patriarchy.
This essay has four parts. First, I briefly trace the ways this work relates to academic literature on Indigenous feminism broadly, and StĂł:lĆ women in particular, situating these arguments in relation to that scholarship. From there, I move on to discuss StĂł:lĆ oral traditions relating both to gender roles and to Coqualeetza, showing the long histories of StĂł:lĆ womenâs power as political actors and cultural curators at that site specifically. This mirrors what we see in Zoe Toddâs discussion of her great-grandmotherâs powerful, if largely unacknowledged, political role in Chapter 9, as well as in Sarah Nickelâs exploration of Indigenous womenâs activism through Homemakersâ Clubs and sewing in Chapter 4. This foundation established, I shift to considering both changes and continuities in StĂł:lĆ territorial sovereignty and gender dynamics during the late nineteenth centuryâs settler-colonial land appropriations and imposition of heteropatriarchy. Finally, I analyze StĂł:lĆ cultural sovereignty in the 1970s, examining the politicization of cultural education work at Coqualeetza in a moment when StĂł:lĆ political leadership was almost exclusively a male occupation, while StĂł:lĆ cultural education was often led by matriarchs and women. Analyzing the Coqualeetza occupation from a gender perspective in this way rejects and corrects the historiographic absence of StĂł:lĆ women from scholarship about their own communities. Moreover, considering StĂł:lĆ womenâs cultural and political work in the late twentieth century in relation to the long histories of StĂł:lĆ womenâs leadership reveals the intergenerational nature of womenâs powerâa revelation that has implications for understanding and framing StĂł:lĆ feminist action in the past, present, and future.
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