Oman in the Twentieth Century

Political Foundations of an Emerging State

J.E. Peterson

• Publisher: Routledge
• Year: 2016
• eBook ISBN: 9781317291725
• Edition: 1
• Topic: Social Sciences
• Subtopic: Regional Studies
• Index: Social Sciences

Oman was ruled by the Al Bu Sa'id for 250 years, and during this period the fortunes of the state varied considerably. But in July 1970, as a result of a palace coup, the state abruptly turned away from isolation and traditions of the past. The most obvious alteration was in the dramatic change in the outward appearance of the country, particularly as exemplified by the rejection of the long era of stagnation and the parallel emphasis on socio-economic development. In the political realm, however, the shifting balance of power and the rapid growth and diversification of the state's administrative structure were based essentially on perennial themes in Omani politics. The interplay between four of these themes forms the basis of this study, first published in 1978. The role of the Sultan and the ruling family, the development of the administration, the exercise of tribal politics and the impact of external influences on the state are closely examined and the modifications they went in response to the various challenges of the twentieth century are discussed. The constant flux in the relative importance of each of these themes illustrates the fragile nature of the traditional Omani political system, for in the twentieth century the Al Bu Sa'id Sultanate found its precarious hold over the country challenged on a number of occasions. These challenges – ranging from the tribal and religious rebellion of 1913-20, to the Marxist-Leninist revolt in Dhufar – are also analysed in detail, together with the response of the Sultanate to their impact.

CHAPTER 1
Introduction: Oman and its People

In 1970, Oman became the last Arab country to begin the attempt to break free from the fetters of traditional society and isolation and to adopt socio-economic development as a major policy goal.¹ If it could be said a few years previously that revolutionary Yemen was a medieval country 'rushing headlong into the fifteenth century', then the same expression could be applied to Oman even more aptly. Although Oman's attitude towards the 'modern world' was abruptly altered in 1970, the new face of the country's politics was firmly rooted in pre-1970 foundations: it remained a traditional monarchy, relying heavily on the support of the ruling family and with the advice of various expatriates, principally British.

Although the government's administrative structure was greatly expanded, the new ministries and departments were generally based on nuclei created in piecemeal fashion throughout the twentieth century. And, despite all the attention focused on the capital at Muscat and the character of the new administration centred there, Oman remained a tribal country. It was true that the events of 1970 and after had severely diminished the role of the tribes in Omani politics, nevertheless the tribal aspect, along with the country's geographic, nationalistic and religious characteristics, was at the heart of Oman's historical background and origins of development.

Oman has a very long history. It was brought into the fold of Islām during the time of the Prophet Muḥammad, traditionally through the efforts of 'Amr ibn al-'Āṣ, later to become the Muslim conqueror of Egypt.² It has remained an Islamic land ever since but has been cut off from the mainstream of Islamic society due to the isolationist nature of the Ibāḍī sect to which many of the inhabitants belong. The present state, the Sultanate of Oman, is descended from the classical lbāḍī Imamates although far removed in political tone.³ The present Sulṭān, Qābūs bin Sa'īd, is the fourteenth ruler of the Āl Bū Sa'īd dynasty, founded in 1744.

The Physical Setting

Wrapping itself around the eastern corner of Arabia, Oman's seacoast extends from the entrance to the Arabian Gulf in the north to a point halfway along the Arabian Peninsula's southern coast which borders the Arabian Sea. Inland, Oman consists of successive zones of coastal plain, mountains and interior plateau, before merging into a sea of a different kind, the sands of the Rub' al-Khālī desert. In addition, the country is geographically capped by its southern and northern extremities: Dhufar and Musandam. The country bears a distinct resemblance to an island; consequently Omanis have turned their attention to overseas lands as much as to other parts of Arabia. In the course of modern history, Omani political authority has at one time or another held uncertain sway over the seven shaykhdoms now comprising the United Arab Amirates (UAA), al-Baḥrayn, part of the Iranian and Pakistani coasts, and Zanzibar and the East African littoral.

The geography of Oman has historically exercised a strong influence on the development of the country.⁴ In a broad sense, the country falls into two largely self-contained divisions: the coast and the interior. The coast, relatively cosmopolitan and vulnerable, has always been open to invasion and to a melange of diverse foreign cultural influences while the interior traditionally served as the Arab and Ibāḍī fastness. Inaccessible to the outside, largely barren and xenophobic, the interior clung to tribal society and gave the outside world little consideration except as a threat to its security and purity. As the elected religious leadership of the interior was periodically transformed into a secular dynasty and sought to extend its control to the coastline, its religious and social ethic was superseded by a preoccupation with overseas expansionism.

Ultimately, this stage was followed by political collapse and retrenchment, with the interior once again withdrawing from the coast. The superior role of the interior heartland in Omani history vis-à-vis the marginal character of the coast was modified only after the rise of the Āl Bū Sa'īd dynasty of the last two centuries. This dynasty accomplished the transposition by their reliance on a second power base in East Africa. With the subsequent loss of Africa in the mid-nineteenth century, the Āl Bū Sa'īd of Oman, although based on the coast in contradiction to traditional historical practice, were maintained as the predominant political authority in Oman only by the arrival and then involvement of the British in Omani politics.

To a large extent, the social, economic and political organisation of Oman derives from the importance of oasis agriculture. The interior settlements are found in wāaīs (water-courses) where date gardens can be irrigated by either natural waterflow or, more generally, by the ancient system of aflā (singular, falaj). Introduced to the country by the pre-Islamic Persian inhabitants, the falaj is a man-made water channel, generally underground for part of its length and pierced at intervals by vertical shafts. When the Persian cultivators of Oman were displaced by the immigrating Arab tribes around the time of the introduction of I shim, the Arabs perpetuated the existing irrigation system and adapted their society and economy to fit the agricultural requirements.⁵

Although ill-suited to the new sedentary and irrigation-oriented agricultural practices, the traditional badū (nomadic) concept of tribal dīra (territory) was applied to the distribution of villages and agricultural lands acquired from the Persians.⁶ The schismatic nature of tribal organisation was reinforced by the development of Ibāḍism, as described below, and resulted in a political system tending towards recurrent anarchy. Even the agricultural framework contributed to this tendency by its emphasis on the primary nature and self-sufficiency of the village unit.⁷ The division of settlements along tribal and, to a certain extent, racial lines—i.e. north Arab and south Arab—contributed to the growth of two major tribal confederations encompassing most of the tribes of the country. This political dichotomy between the Ghāfirī and Hināwī alliances has been of fundamental importance in the exercise of Omani politics since its appearance in the early eighteenth century.⁸

The 'openness' of the coastal region stands in contrast to this disposition towards tribal autonomy. The exposure of coastal settle-ments to assault by both land and sea has resulted in a largely apolitical atmosphere allowing ethnocultural mixtures and frequent domination by secular and even non-Arab rulers. The consequent decline in the importance of the tribes there, combined with relatively bountiful resources in groundwater and fishing, contributed to the establishment of large, multi-tribal and multi-ethnic towns such as Muscat, Maṭraḥ and Ṣuḥār. As a result, while the interior has often been politically fragmented until recently, the coast has provided a solid territorial base for the Āl Bū Sa'īd dynasty.

Although the physical and psychological dichotomy between coast and interior up to the mid-twentieth century provided the most obvious division of Oman, the geography of the area admits to a large number of smaller units, frequently distinct politically as well as sometimes religiously and ethnically. Their political compartmentalisation in the past was dictated by the mountainous and desert terrain which separated them. This led to the development of balance-of-power systems among the tribes and tribal confederations, both on the provincial and local level. Despite their individuality, these geographical provinces have never been regarded as formal subdivisions of the larger political entity of Oman, whether the Sultanate or the Imamate. The lack of an intermediate unit between national and local governments is largely the result of the political influence of the tribes.⁹

The backbone of Oman, and one of the most important geographical provinces, is the Ḥajar mountain range, extending along a curve from the Musandam Peninsula in the north almost to Ra's al-Ḥadd, the easternmost point of the Arabian Peninsula, in the east, and crowned in the middle by the Jabal al-Akhḍar massif which reaches a height of over 10,000 feet. The mountains are generally regarded as comprising two regions-al-Ḥajar al-Gharbī (Western Ḥajar) and al-Ḥajar al-Sharqī (Eastern Ḥajar)-divided by the broad Wādī Samā'il, which also serves as the major artery between the coast and interior. The Western Ḥajar boasts the more important settlements, such as al-Rustāq, Nakhl and al-'Awābī, which hug the coastward side of the peaks. Of the major tribes, the Banī Kharūṣ, Ḥawāsina, Banī 'Umr and Banī 'Alī inhabit the coastal wādīs while the Banī Ghāfir, Banī Hinā, 'Ibrīyīn and Banī Riyām reside on the inland tracts. The Jabal al-Akhḍar is almost exclusively the territory of the Banī Riyām. The Eastern Ḥajar is less densely populated and its tribes play a lesser role in the country's politics. Samā'il, Bidbid and al-Ghubra, the major settlements, are found in the Wādī Samā'il, and the Banī Ruwāḥa, Siyābīyīn, Raḥbīyīn and Banī Jābir tribes are centred there. Other tribes, such as the Banī Baṭṭāsh, Masākira, Ḥajarīyīn and Banī Jābir, are found in the eastern part of the province.¹⁰

Nestled between the Ḥajar Range and the Gulf of Oman is the coastal plain of al-Bāṭina. Although it varies in width from between ten and fifty miles, little more than the first few miles inland from the coast are generally cultivated. This narrow strip is packed with date gardens throughout nearly the entire 175-mile length of the plain. Because of its agriculture and fishing potential, the Bāṭina is the most densely populated rural area in eastern Arabia. Its many coastal settlements, which include al-Sīb, Barkā, al-Maṣna'a, al Suwayq, al-Khābūra, Ṣaḥam, Ṣuḥār and Shināṣ, are generally inhabited not only by several Arab tribes, but also by Baluchis, Indians and Africans of slave descent.¹¹ The principal Arab tribes are the Ma'āwil, Banī Ḥarrāṣ, Yāl Sa'd, Ḥawāsina, Banī 'Umr and Banī 'Alī

Towards the east, the coastal plain gradually narrows and then terminates at the Qurum Hills. From then on, the coastline consists of a series of rugged escarpments and pocket bays until it gradually levels out again at Ra's al-Ḥadd. The area adjoining the Bāṭina at the Qurum Hills traditionally has not been regarded as a distinct province, but is sometimes simply considered to be a part of Muscat's hinterland. The first bay east of Qurum is Mīnā' al-Faḥl (formerly known as Sayḥ al-Māliḥ), used since the late 1960s as the loading point for Petroleum Development (Oman) Ltd (PDO), the country's major oil producer. Just beyond Mīnā' al-Faḥl lie the harbours of Maṭraḥ and Muscat, the Sultanate's major towns. Located in natural bowls formed by volcanic mountains, the capital of Muscat and the commercial centre of Maṭraḥ have long been the stronghold of the Āl Bū Sa'īd dynasty and are the settlements most transformed by the dramatic changes in Oman following the coup d'ètat of 1970. With a population upwards of 25,000, the twin towns have served as the principal meeting place between Oman and the outside world since the invading Portuguese built several story-book fortresses there in the sixteenth century, which still dominate the skyline of the towns. Farther down the coast stand the towns of Qurīyāt and Qalhāt, located on bays where large wādīs debouch into the sea.

Midway between the urban centre of Muscat/Maṭraḥ. and Ra's al-Ḥadd lies another important port at Ṣūr. Long regarded for its shipbuilding and seafaring traditions and more recently as a centre of piracy and slave-running in the nineteenth century, Ṣūr serves as an entrepot centre for the hinterland of Ja'lān, traditionally the most isolated and xenophobic region of Oman. Ja'lān was long semi-independent of both Sultanate and Imamate and dominated by the rivalry between the Banī Bū 'Alī and Banī Bū Ḥasan tribes, although also inhabited by the Mashārifa, Banī Hishm, Janaba and Yāl Wahība. The few sizeable settlements include Bilād Banī Bū 'Alī, Bilād Banī Bū Ḥasan and al-Kāmil.

To the north of Ja'lān is the province of al-Sharqīya, which lies between the former and the Eastern Ḥajar to its north. The Ḥirth tribe strongly dominated the province in the past, more so than any other tribe in any other province. Other tribes include the Ḥabūs, Masākina, Ḥajarīyīn, Āl Bū Sa'īd and Yāl Wahība. Plagued by persistent droughts in the twentieth century, many of the Sharqīya's inhabitants emigrated to Africa and subsequently returned. The settlements, including Ibrā, al-Qābil, al-Muḍayrib, al-Muḍaybī, Samad and those on the plain of Bidīya, are generally quite small.

Paralleling the inland curve of the Ḥajar mountains, al-Sharqīya shades into Oman province in the northwest. Also known as Oman proper or Jawf, this plateau region between the Jabal al-Akhḍar massif and the Rub' al-Khālī desert is the heart of Oman both geogrl'lphically and culturally. It is shared by the most important of the Omani tribes, among them the Banī Hinā, Banī Riyām, Banī Ruwāḥa, Āl Bū Sa'īd and 'Ibrīyīn, and boasts the country's most ancient and revered towns, including the old Ibāḍī capital of Nizwā, as well as one-time capitals at Bahlā and Jabrīn, and the settlements of Tanūf (now destroyed), Birkat al-Mawz, al-Ghāfāt, al-Ḥamrā', Izkī, Manaḥ and Ādām.

To the northwest of this heartland lies the province of al-Ẓāhira (al-Dhāhira), important for being the traditional land route between Oman and the rest of Arabia; consequently as vulnerable to outside influences and invasions as the coast. Largely occupied by Sunnī (orthodox Muslim) tribes, it fell outside the scope of the Ibāḍī state and in recent times has occasionally come under the influence of Saudi Arabia. The province's major settlements include 'Ibrī, Yanqui, al-Darīz and Ḍank; notable tribes are the Ya'āqib, Banī Ghāfir, Na'īm, Banī 'Alī and Durū'. At al-Ẓahira's western edge lies the oasis of al-Buraymī, a complex of nine villages strategically located at the crossroads of the Oman heartland, the regions of the Arabian Gulf and Saudi Arabia. Long coveted by Saudi Arabia, the oasis is presently divided between the Sultanate, with three villages, and the state of Abu Dhabi, now a member of the UAA, with six villages.¹² Besides serving as geographical parentheses to the country, both Dhufar and Musandam also exhibit historical, linguistic and ethnic differences from the rest of Oman: both are the home of ethnically distinct peoples who were never completely assimilated by the Arab migrations into the rest of Oman several millenia ago. In addition, the southern province of Dhufar was politically distinct from Oman until the last century when Oman's Āl Bū Sa'īd dynasty first established suzerainty over it. South Arabian (Ḥimyaritic) peoples such as the Mahrā and the Qarā predominate in the crescentshaped mountains surrounding the coastal plain and the town of Ṣahāla.

There remains, finally, one major geographical area: the vast expanse of desert. Although it is the largest part of the country, it has played a ma...

Table of contents

• Cover
• Title
• Copyright
• Original Title
• Original Copyright
• Contents
• List of Abbreviations
• Preface
• Maps
• 1. Introduction: Oman and its People
• PART ONE: Themes in Omani Politics
• PART TWO: Challenges to the Sultanate
• Appendix A: Glossary
• Appendix B: Abridged Genealogy of the Āl Sa'īd
• Appendix C: Military Commanders in the Sultanate
• Appendix D: Genealogies of the Tamīmas of Five Principal Tribes
• Appendix E: Letter of Accession of Sa'īd Bin Taymūr (1932)
• Appendix F: British Official Representation at Muscat
• Appendix G: Summaries of Sultanate Budgets, 1921-47
• Selected Bibliography
• Index