Barrie Shannon and Stephen J. Smith
Introduction
Gender and sexuality are very often relegated to the domain of the personal and private; and yet they lie at the heart of many of our public conversations and form âsome of our most pressing sociocultural and political debatesâ (Alexander 2008, 1). These debates, in turn, serve as âkey components of how we conceive ourselves personally, organise ourselves collectively, and figure ourselves politicallyâ (Alexander 2008, 1). Sexuality is of primary importance in the creation of individual and collective identity and a âprime connecting point between body, self-identity and social normsâ (Giddens 1992, 15). The âvaried ways in which narratives of intimacy, pleasure, the body, gender, and identity become constructed and disseminated personally, socially and politicallyâ (Alexander 2008, 1) are connected through âcomplex discourses, and political formations mediated through ideological investmentsâ (Alexander 2008, 1).
Within the educational context, provision for the discussion of gender and sexuality at any real level of critical engagement is limited in contemporary Australian school curricula. Any direct exploration of issues related to human sexuality tends to be limited to specific areas of the curriculum that deal with health, biology and sport (Shannon and Smith 2015). The focus of this curriculum perspective, however, rarely provides sufficient opportunities for a more nuanced discussion of gender and sexuality-related issues, such as intimacy, eroticism, sexualities, gender roles and ethics, which form the basis for a more sophisticated knowledge and understanding of gender and sexuality.
Despite the widespread invisibility of queer-affirming content, state and territory governments expend significant effort attempting to provide âsupportâ for sexual and gender diversity in the form of policies and best practice documents. This paper considers issues of diverse sexualities and genders, and demonstrates how such diversities, rather than being readily embraced, instead form the basis for ongoing controversy in educational contexts.
From a Foucauldian perspective, discourse is a praxis that âsystematically forms the objects of which they speakâ (Foucault in Ball 1990, 2, 5) and which is reinforced through its âmaterial base in established social institutions and practicesâ (Weedon 1987, 100). According to Weedon (1987, 21), it is in language, as the basis for the âconstitution of discourse and subjectivitiesâ (Ferfolja 2013, 161), where meaning is produced, and it is in language where âactual and possible forms of social organisation and their likely social and political consequences are defined and contestedâ (Weedon 1987, 21). Ferfolja warns that âthe power of language and its ability to perpetuate discrimination should not be underestimatedâ (Ferfolja 2013, 161). In terms of the way in which gay men and lesbians are positioned, she further argues (Ferfolja 2013, 161) that comments which might be construed as relatively harmless in its effects by its speaker may, in fact, serve to bolster âthe power of the discriminatory discoursesâ, the intention of which being to maintain the privileged heteronormative status quo.
At this point, it is important to interrogate some of the language that will be used in this paper. Discourses about the rights, health and welfare of people who identify as lesbian, gay, bisexual, transgender, intersex and queer (LGBTIQ), or any other diverse expression of sexuality or gender, often employ umbrella terms such as âqueerâ. Terms such as queer is used, often for semantic purposes, in order to capture a group that consists a wide range of identifying experiences and meanings. In contrast, some queer academics may indeed use terms such as âqueerâ as a form of strategic essentialism (Spivak 1989) that facilitates collective political advocacy for those outside of the heteronorm.
This phenomenon has been the subject of a central criticism that gender theorists and transgender academics have sought to mount. Ansara (2010) has critiqued the âcoercive queeringâ of transgender and gender diverse people in academic literature; the âlumping inâ of gender diverse people under umbrella terms such as LGBTIQ and âqueerâ despite a lack of meaningful focus on these specific groups. Throughout this paper, the term queer will be used to refer to people who defy heteronormative conventions of sexuality and gender presentation. Queer-affirming learning materials, then, are educational tools designed for classroom use that openly embrace LGBTIQ issues, and that aim to facilitate critique of heteronormativity.
Two recent sagas in Australia have demonstrated a poignant example of the stateâs commitment to fostering âdiversityâ through the use of queer-affirming learning materials being superseded by their need to handle controversy as a form of ârisk managementâ. The first example this paper will employ as a brief case study is the documentary film Gayby Baby, a film that chronicles the lives of children living with same-sex parents. The film was âbannedâ in New South Wales (NSW) schools in 2015 by a ministerial decree in response to conservative media backlash. The second is the negative media reaction to the All of Us teaching kit, which was developed by LGBTIQ youth network Minus18 and the Safe Schools Coalition. The teaching kit comprehensively addresses queerness, and specifically, transgender issues. The moral panic surrounding All of Us, which was broadly referred to as the âSafe Schoolsâ controversy, has generated persistent public discussion about whether schools are an appropriate setting for criticism of sex and gender roles.
The paper further seeks to expose both the overt and covert heterosexualised processes at work, and to demonstrate how those processes deride attitudes towards âatypicalâ sexual practices, gender presentations and family arrangements. The paper will reveal what is seen as a âneoliberalisationâ of diversity; a continuing reassembly of hegemonic masculinity that renders diversity and inclusion justifiable only when the diverse subject willingly assimilates into existing economic and social practice.
Rhetoric of âcontroversyâ and âdiversityâ
Diversity discourse
The term diversity is variously used in a number of Australian state and territory government educational policy documents (ACARA 2015; MCEETYA 2008), but nowhere is it clearly defined. Diversity is paradoxically understood within the Australian Curriculum to encompass individual studentsâ âdiverse capabilitiesâ (ACARA 2015). âAll students have diverse learning needs and, regardless of a studentâs circumstances, all students should be afforded the same opportunities and choices in their education and their diversity catered for through personalised learningâ (ACARA 2015). What differentiates students and makes them diverse are their âcurrent levels of learning, strengths, goals and interestsâ, as well as their degree of physical and mental (dis)ability, whether they fall into the gifted and talented group or whether English is their first or additional language (ACARA 2015).
It is important to note here the meeting of the nationâs Ministers of Education in 2008, which resulted in the publication of the Melbourne Declaration on Educational Goals for Young Australians. The document argues that the role of education is to equip students with an âappreciation of and respect for social, cultural and religious diversityâ, a âsense of self-worth, self-awareness and personal identityâ, âpersonal valuesâ and ârespect for othersâ (MCEETYA 2008, 4; 9; 5; italics added). The Melbourne Declaration, however, as with the other relevant documents already mentioned, does not provide a concrete definition of âdiversityâ.
Further to this discussion, the Australian Health and Physical Education (F-10) curriculum document states that that it seeks to value diversity âby providing for multiple means of representation, action, expression and engagementâ (ACARA 2015). The document reiterates the abovementioned criteria for a âdiverseâ student, but to this list is added â[s]ame-sex attracted and gender-diverse studentsâ. â[I]t is crucialâ, the document states, âto acknowledge and affirm diversity in relation to sexuality and gender in Health and Physical Educationâ (ACARA 2015). Teaching programmes are expected to recognise âthe impact of diversity on studentsâ social worlds, acknowledge and respond to the needs of all students, and provide more meaningful and relevant learning opportunities for all studentsâ (ACARA 2015), while all school communities shoulder the responsibility to ensure that teaching programmes are ârelevant to the lived experiences of all studentsâ (ACARA 2015).
Interestingly, the requirement that schools provide an affirmation for all kinds of diversity can create contradictions in policy. In the South Australian context, for example, teachers are guided to acknowledge sexual and gender diversity, while delivering sex education in a âsensitively and developmentally appropriateâ (Shannon and Smith 2015, 646) way that also considers cultural and religious âdiversitiesâ as well. Shannon and Smith (2015) continue that âthe South Australian curriculum does not, however, define sensitivity, nor does it reveal the standards by which children are judged to be âdevelopmentallyâ prepared for any particular aspect of the sexuality education curriculumâ, creating a confusing conundrum for school administrators, teachers and indeed students.
A support document for the current NSW Personal Development, Health and Physical Education (PDHPE) curriculum highlights the importance of acknowledging âsexual diversityâ, providing information to facilitate teaching activities that educate on homophobia, discrimination and negative effects on queer students (NSW Department of Education and Communities 2011). Sexuality is described as being âdiverseâ, âfluidâ and âdynamicâ, involving not only a personâs sexual behaviour but also their sexual orientation and identity. The NSW PDHPE Teaching Sexual Health webpage, which was decommissioned during the writing of this paper, points to a number of ways in which schools can challenge recognised assumptions and negative community values, attitudes and expectations in order to cater positively for students. The online document stresses the need âto teach students about respecting and celebrating diversityâ in such a way as to provide students âwith more effective options for explaining their worldâ (NSW Department of Education and Communities 2011). In terms of the major concerns of this paper, the document states that it is the responsibility of schools to âensure that sexual diversity is acknowledgedâ. Provision is made for âexamples that are gender and sexually diverse when representing families and significant relationshipsâ in teaching and learning activities which âuse a range of scenarios, not just heterosexual charactersâ (NSW Department of Education and Communities 2011). A clear silence in this document and throughout education policy more broadly, is the lack of attention given to trans and gender non-conforming students (Ullman and Ferfolja 2015). Despite the claims in the Teaching Sexual Health resource that sexuality is fluid and is broader than just an individualâs sexual behaviour, diversity is afforded quite a narrow discursive definition. Here, diversity refers specifically to gay and lesbian students; the privilege of âacknowledgmentâ and âcelebrationâ is not specifically extended to students whose diversity goes further than same-sex attraction.
Sexualities, genders and controversy
The key to the appropriate integration of sexualities and genders into schools as discursive places is a renewed focus on the critical exploration of sexuality, gender and power within the school curricula (Jones 2011; Shannon and Smith 2015). However to do so at school is not a simple task, as notions of controversy and community anxiety permeate contemporary debate (Shannon and Smith 2015). Critical exploration of sexual diversity is rare, âdue to [its] positioning as sensitive or too controversial for school communitiesâ (Ferfolja 2013, 162). Such positioning results in what Ferfolja (2013, 162) describes as the perpetuation of âsilence in relation to these issues: first through the removal of the child so they are not exposed to the information; and second, by ensuring that teachersâ work is monitored, essentially discouraging teachers from broaching difficult knowledgesâ. Indeed, teachers perpetuate silence on âcontroversialâ or âpoliticalâ issues out of a fear of backlash and moral panic, among other factors (Carrion and Jensen 2014; Johnson, Sendall, and McCuaig 2014).
One strategy to expand the range studentsâ discursive options is to present queer lives through their lived experiences of family and identity, and their everyday decisions and activities. On the one hand, such a strategy provides opportunities for the legitimate claiming of subject and voice, whilst, on the other, opponents might regard such actions as naĂŻve expressions of identity politics. Activists might call for a more radical approach, arguing that to propagate a cultural narrative of deep-down sameness and similarity depoliticises questions of identity into merely personal struggles, cordoning off the personal as a realm totally separate from the political (Queirolo 2013). It is from the position of privilege which dominant heteronormative discourses bestow heterosexual power and authority. To present alternatives to the heterosexist understandings of family, property, marriage, sex, gender and sexuality is to question and challenge that position of privilege.
The following case studies, which clearly validate Ferfoljaâs (2013) findings, demonstrate how attempts to overcome the silence and to expose students to a presentation of alternative sexualities and family structures can be suppressed.