Department of African Literature, University of the Witwatersrand, Johannesburg, Republic of South Africa
Post-apartheid policies of black empowerment, across a range of public social, economic, political and cultural spaces and institutions, have spectacularly stationed the black body at the centre of almost all kinds of public intercourses and activities.1 (Odhiambo, âThe Black Female Bodyâ)
Media discourses on consumption in South Africa are not perceived reductively as a straightforward insistence by Africans on âgoing Westâ ⌠but rather in terms of the ways they enable people to devise new ways of doing things in life ⌠and access new resources and sets of strategies directed at the social and individual production of selfhood âŚ. In this regard we should be attentive to the transformative power and local reworkings, not merely culturally homogenising effects, of commercial media discourses, consumer culture and patterns of consumption, and their impact(s) on peopleâs senses of social membership and individual selfhood.2 (Narunsky-Laden, âIdentity in Post-apartheid South Africaâ)
In the post-apartheid period, South African political and public discourse has been saturated with metaphors of rupture from the past, though many regarded characterizations of the countryâs democracy as âa miracleâ as obscuring the high cost paid by many for the end of apartheid. When Archbishop Desmond Tutu coined the phrase âthe rainbow children of God,â which soon entered widespread media circulation as âthe rainbow nation,â there was deliberate movement away from fear of difference to a sentiment expressed later in the South African coat of arms as âunity in diversity.â These narratives, which sought to imagine a country in formation, seem âvery tidy before and after,â in their sense of the transformation, whereas âin fact tension and co-existenceâ are more accurate.3
The future was imagined in metaphors of somatic difference, where such variety could be embraced as a source of pride not division. In other words, the imagined future was an embodied collective self-construction, which is to say imagined, corporeally performed, and envisaged through bodies. Apartheid legislation was unabashedly fixated on the regulation of bodies, with limiting movement, legalizing bodily contact, with measuring hair texture, with the regulation of labor, sexuality, and reproduction, on the punishment of the body through beatings, shootings, and poverty. In a democratic South Africa, the body had to be imagined anew: as free, mobile, flourishing, exploratory. The fall of apartheid coincided with the global rise of an unfettered neoliberal and globalizing world economy, however, which was to have implications for government policy. Indeed this global reality was implicated in the ultimate rejection of social democratic projects, like the Reconstruction and Development Program, in favor of a series of business- and corporate-friendly government programs and policies. The imagining of the material body, and of the body politic, like all nationalist processes, was also a gendered process. Post-apartheid gender-progressive legislation was also often aspirational, inspired, and pushed through by very strategic activists through a range of efforts such as the National Womenâs Coalition, which saw women organize across political lines to ensure the laws of the new country would be gender-progressive.
The intersections of post-apartheid class, gender, and race aspiration produced a range of possibilities. One of the most highly circulated was the trope of the New South African woman (NSAW). This trope signaled both a departure from hegemonic apartheid femininities and an attempt to imagine the kind of agentic existence women might aspire to in a free country. At the very base of the tropeâs emergence was the recognition that apartheidâs limitations of womenâs lives worked through violent intersectionalities of white supremacy, patriarchy, and class oppression, the latter often used interchangeably with economic alienation rather than capitalism, per se. This intersectional triple violence very clearly limited womenâs life choices and movement and undervalued them through institutional silencing, policing, and legal minorization.
There is abundant literature on how historically societies in transition have produced new identities, and specifically femininities, at once contesting values of the past and charting new ways of existing as a woman, and as women in the emerging societies.4 The trope of the NSAW shares some attributes with the historic performances of femininities explored in this literature. At the same time, the NSAW stands apart in very marked ways. She is linked to the growth of womenâs entry into public and politically powerful spaces in various capacities, to womenâs and Black Economic Empowerment5 to make financially independent decisions and also grow their consumer status. The specific coupling of financial freedom with demonstrable class mobility ultimately leads to the NSAW being a highly corporatized and monetized figure. An attempt to move away from racial oppression and the prescription of womenâs lives as seen under apartheid translates in very similar expressions of the NSAW across race.
Scholarship on the rise of ânew womenâ as fictional and/or journalistic creations or actual concrete historical subjects from different localities and temporalities illustrates something about the conditions of her emergence. The ânew womanâ responds to very specific political conditions, usually when the society of her emergence is in transition accompanied by a hopeful loosening of gender restrictions. Briefly turning to some of this scholarship is instructive on the workings of a gendered imagination in times of flux.
Sally Ledger writes of the emergence of the ânew womanâ in fiction at the end of the nineteenth century in Western Europe, as âa discursive response to the activitiesâ and political environment of the time, and one that was âpredominantly a journalistic phenomenon, a product of discourse.â6 JusovĂĄ adds an important caution to the imagined new woman Ledger writes of, pointing out the contradictions in how the Fin de Siecle woman was conceived of. She demonstrates that the new womanâs feminist ideals notwithstanding, both her fictional and real-life expressions, also often marked her as âan imperialist feminist,â embodying a subject position in which â[h]er feminist consciousness, was at the same time, informed by her growing sense of privilege.â7 This combination of transgressive femininities with an attachment to respectability is traced by Ledger and JusovĂĄ, who echoes Jessica Ogdenâs work in the Ugandan context. Ogden writes of the presence of both âcontinuities and discontinuitiesâ in the constructions of womanhood as Uganda transitioned from colonialism to an independent country and links some of these to the signaling of and âa struggle for respectability through economic and symbolic means, through hard work and marriage.â8 This attachment to respectability while questioning some of the restrictions that come from being a woman, and moving into power, is also very clearly manifested in the NSAW, as the discussion below will show.
Whereas Ogden, Ledger, and JusovĂĄ point to a named phenomenon, Jin Fengâs study of the twentieth-century new woman in Chinese fiction shares further characteristics with the phenomenon that I am concerned with here. Fengâs character is largely unnamed and taken for granted, uncommented on by cultural commentators in ways that directly contradict the high circulation in media of this type of woman. Like Fengâs fictional characters, the NSAW âappears as a highly priviledged urban figure that can take a number of different formsâ but unlike the women characters in Fengâs study, the NSAW does not completely transgress the stereotypical feminine roles of good wife.9
In yet another context, Meenakshi Thapan traces the emergence and circulation of an idealized representation of the ânewâ Indian woman in the magazine Femina. Thapanâs ânew womanâ is a product of radical shifts in Indian collective self-imagination, which is drawn from womenâs actual lived experienced as grappling with such shifts as well as other realities. Thapanâs ânew Indian womanâ is visually constructed, which both contests and conforms to generalized patriarchal femininities, and is framed as âglamorousâ through her body in a form of beauty that is constructed a global desirability and that also marks her as âa commercialized product for consumption.â10 Thapan argues that this construction is part of âlegitimizing the recolonization of Indian womenâs embodiment in the global economy.â11 Thapanâs study builds indirectly on Malhotra and Rogersâs earlier 2000 work, which is a study of the shifting representations of women on Indian satellite television shows in the 1990s. Malhotra and Rogers had concluded that the most noticeable shift saw women move from âportrayals of women as domestic housewives and mothers, to women as sexual beings who often work outside the home and who have become Westernizedâ and that although there is a noticeable increase in womenâs visibility on television, it is mainly via âcharacters constructed through patriarchal and nationalist interests, often reverting any progress made in gender-role portrayals to a more traditional status quo.â12
Like all the ânew womenâ in the reviewed literature, the NSAW marks a departure from earlier conceptions of womenâs status in colonial and apartheid legislation and cities. The NSAW exists in an ambivalent relationship to historical femininities: simultaneously challenging and reinscribing them. Dorothy Driver has demonstrated how the appearance of Black women in South African magazines has always been political.13 Focusing specifically on Drum magazine, she demonstrates the manner in which celebrity womenâand women who rose to celebrity after appearing on the cover of Drum in the 1950sâembodied an urban, sophisticated, independent Black femininity that challenged hegemonic apartheid constructions of Black women as out of place in the urban realm. At the same time, the presentation of the female body, and sometimes the interview with the celebrity woman on the magazineâs cover, rehearsed patriarchal expectation. In the case of 1950s Drum, as in contemporary presentations of the NSAW, the woman embodies economic progress, consumer status, and achievement as a mode of self-assertion. At the same time, she is cast as consumable.
The NSAW is constructed visually and textually and finds high circulation on television and magazines, like the phenomena in the literature of the ânew womanâ in India that Thapan and Malhotra and Rogers analyze. She is the aspirational woman that television dramas and popular soap operas se...