There are three elements to the communitarian critique of the contractariansâ view of corporate law. The first challenges key assumptions about the feasibility of nonshareholder self-protection through bargain. The second is more fundamental. It asserts that, even if self-protection through bargain were entirely feasible in a technological sense, disparities in bargaining power would prevent at least some nonshareholder constituencies from obtaining adequate protection from the costs of shareholder wealth maximization. This argument appeals to a conception of justice that insists that people are entitled to more than merely what they can bargain and pay for. Or, stating the same idea in terms of obligation rather than entitlement, community members owe each other duties of mutual regard and support. Finally, communitarians have offered a positive vision of corporate relationships that differs from that of the contractarians and has correspondingly different normative implications. This perspective grounds obligation on a rich foundation of mutual trust and interdependence rather than limiting it to the bare bones of actual contractual terms and rests on a vision of the corporation as a community rather than a mere aggregation of self-seeking individuals whose relationships are defined solely by contract.
The Inadequacy of Self-Protection
Communitarians assess the social costs of shareholder wealth maximization more broadly than do contractarians. The contractariansâ economic approach tends to focus on more obviously monetizable considerations, disregarding more amorphous but no less real costs. For example, the cost of a workerâs layoff may be more than just the discounted present value of the income that he or she would have earned, less any offset due to reemployment. Despair and low self-esteem may follow layoff, and even the worker who finds another job may suffer from heightened feelings of insecurity and incur psychological difficulties in adjusting to a new work environment. These transition and morale costs are surely difficult to value in dollar terms, but they are no less real for that reason. They too should be factored into the welfare calculation, such that even a laid-off worker who finds another job at comparable pay may be worse off for having been laid off. Likewise, the morale costs of a lost job in one locality would not necessarily be offset fully by creation of a new, comparably compensated employment opportunity elsewhere.
Communitarians also tend to define more broadly the universe of people potentially affected adversely by shareholder wealth maximization. A plant closing, for example, may involve more than employee layoffs and termination of various commercial relationships. Consumers may also lose access to distinctive products, and the local community will often lose tax revenues and charitable contributions. Management-level employees may also have significant involvements in civic and social activities.
Communitarians draw an important lesson from their fuller appreciation of the magnitude and complexity of the social costs of shareholder wealth maximization. There appears to be more at stake than contractarians are typically willing to acknowledge. The costs of transactions undertaken for the benefit of shareholders represent a problem of genuine social and political significance, rather than more or less trivialâand therefore readily disregardedâinevitabilities of productive activity.
One might still respond that, however big the problem might be, shareholder property rights still put the onus on nonshareholders to protect themselves by contract. Bargaining will then generate efficient levels of nonshareholder protection. Communitarians respond that effective nonshareholder self-protection through bargain often is not practically feasible.
Particular kinds of conduct likely to be harmful to nonshareholders may be difficult to foresee and to specify contractually with adequate precision. This may result from informational advantages enjoyed by management, which has direct access to confidential strategic plans and has no incentive to disclose them voluntarily to employees or other nonshareholder constituencies. Workers may be totally unaware of plans to shut down a plant and shift production to another location, and may have been misled by statements or other behavior seemingly suggesting a long-term commitment to their welfare. Even if there is some sense that such shifts are always possible, even in the face of management indications to the contrary, employees are much less likely to bargain for protection than they would be if they knew of managementâs actual plans to close a plant or of a more general corporate policy to lay off workers whenever it is in the shareholdersâ interest to do so.
In addition to informational disparities, our competitive market economy demands constant product innovation and technological change. Developments likely to benefit shareholders and harm nonshareholders may be unforeseeable to management and nonshareholders alike. Even complete candor on the part of management may leave nonshareholders in a position of significant vulnerability. While the general risk may be apparent, the precise parameters are unknowable. Nonshareholders must therefore bargain about such matters in the dark, or, more likely, simply disregard them because the risk cannot be valued.
Even where future contingencies are foreseeable, the parties may choose not to bargain about them, believing that the remoteness of the risk does not justify the time needed to decide ex ante how the costs should be apportioned. They may also choose to leave particular matters unresolved because of the difficulties involved in assessing accurately the costs that various hypothetical scenarios are likely to generate. The parties may also recognize that their respective attitudes toward various future events may themselves change over time, devaluing the benefits of ex ante investments in bargained-for solutions.
Even with full knowledge of risks and preferences, individual nonshareholders may face serious problems in negotiating for protection because the terms of their relationship to the corporation often will not be subject to individualized bargaining. This is typically true of investors in corporate bonds, who must accept the terms already negotiated by an investment bank, as well as for lower-level employees, who typically must accept a standardized package of compensation and work assignment terms. Collective bargaining over compensation, working conditions, and the like is still possible in the unionized sector, but that sector is already very small relative to the workforce as a whole, and it continues to shrink. Absent a union, members of nonshareholder constituencies who share common interests and preferences would encounter difficulties in coord...