Post-Fordism and Skill

Theories and Perceptions

Denise Thursfield

• Publisher: Routledge
• Year: 2017
• eBook ISBN: 9781351726009
• Edition: 1
• Topic: Scienze sociali
• Subtopic: Sociologia

This title was first published in 2000. An in-depth analysis of skill, core and periphery in the context of the firm and its wider economic and product market, management strategies, technology and gender. The book provides a unique model through which to explain the perceptions of those involved in production in the context of a shift from the Fordist to the post-Fordist production paradigm.

1 Introduction

Since the publication of 'Labor and Monopoly Capital' (Braverman 1974), the issue of skill has been the subject of a considerable amount of sociological debate. These debates focus on a range of issues. Sociologists have attempted to define the nature of skill (Braverman 1974, Cooley 1987, Spenner 1990, Attewell 1990, Scarbrough and Corbett 1992), to chart changes in aggregate skill levels overtime (Penn 1994, Gallie 1996), to show how, especially from a feminist perspective, definitions of skill are socially constructed and related to the power of groups to define their work as skilled (Dex 1988, Bradley 1989, Steinberg 1990, Wajcman 1991, Coyle 1992, England 1992) and to identify the relationship between technology and skill (Kelley 1989, Lane 1988, Hendry 1990, Scarbrough and Corbett 1992). Little attention has been given, however, to the subjective perceptions of skill held by those directly involved in production. Nor has research been undertaken to explore the ways in which the perceptions of skill held by managers and workers are developed and maintained. Thus, the subjective perceptions of skill held by managers and workers are a neglected area in the sociology of skill. This book aims to redress the general neglect of manager and worker perceptions of skill through the presentation of empirical evidence from three case study organisations. This evidence is used to construct a model through which to explain subjective perceptions of skill and the causal processes that shape them. This approach serves to shift analysis away from definitions of skill constructed by sociologists towards a theory of skill that is grounded in the subjective definitions of those directly involved in production.

Further issues dealt with in the book are as follows. First, it explores the extent to which the causal processes identified as shaping subjective perceptions of skill are explicable in the context of existing theories. Second, perceptions of skill are examined and explained in the context of an alleged shift between Fordist and post-Fordist production paradigms. Third, management and worker perceptions of skill are related back to the wider capitalist system. Finally, comparison is made between workers and managers' perceptions of skill, and sociological definitions of skill. I shall show that managers' and workers' perceptions are more narrowly defined and context dependent than the definitions applied by sociologists. I also show that the causal processes that shape subjective perceptions of skill occur on a variety of levels. That is, at the level of the capitalist structure itself, at the level of organisational structures, and at the level of individual agency. Examination of the above issues is conducted through empirical research in three case study factories, and a description of each factory will be given later in the chapter.

In addition to perceptions of skill, the second theme of the book concerns the perceptions of core and periphery held by workers in two of the three case study factories. The concept of core and periphery was put forward by Atkinson (1984) in his model of the flexible firm, and purports to describe a division between core workers with permanent employment contracts and peripheral workers with non-standard part-time and temporary contracts. This analysis of perceptions of core and periphery aims to explore how the perceptions of workers, whose formal contract of employment could be defined as peripheral, compare with theoretical conceptualisations of the periphery. A further issue, and one that links skill, and core and periphery, is the implicit assumption in Atkinson's model that core workers are more highly skilled than allegedly peripheral workers. I will show that neither workforce skills nor workers' perceptions of skill are patterned around different types of employment contract. I will also show that part-time and temporary workers do not perceive themselves as forming part of a peripheral labour force.

The remainder of this introductory chapter is concerned with delineating the contours of the book. This begins with an an outline of the theories that have informed the construction of a general model to explain perceptions of skill, core and periphery, and an explanation of their relevance. This is followed by a brief description of the realist social theory that underpinned the research and writing of this book, and a short, preliminary description of the three case study firms. The chapter then provides a brief outline of the proposed model before ending with an outline of each subsequent chapter.

The Theoretical Background

The construction of the model to explain subjective perceptions of skill, and the causal processes that shape them, draws on a variety of theories. These theories are discussed in detail in Chapters Two and Three. What follows now is a brief explanation of their relevance to the concerns of this book. In Chapter Two the discussion focuses on labour process theory and theories of post-Fordism. The applicability of these two broad perspectives to the study of subjective perceptions of skill, core and periphery concerns a number of issues. First, it is from within the labour process and post-Fordist perspectives that the subject of skill has been most widely debated. Second, both perspectives are concerned with explaining processes that have a generative influence on skill formation. For labour process theorists, the main question concerning skill is that of whether the labour process under monopoly capitalism has led to a general deskilling of the workforce. It is argued by Braverman and his supporters that the articulation of Taylorist management strategies and technology serve to separate the conception and execution of work, and that this results in a deskilling of the workforce. It is beyond the scope of this book to examine the extent to which Taylorism remains a feature of industry in general or to consider the deskilling thesis. What I do intend to argue is that in the three case study factories Taylorist or neo-Taylorist managerial strategies prevail. These strategies combine with various forms of technology to generate jobs that are characterised by a deep division between conception and execution of tasks. The outcome in terms of perceptions of skill are perceptions that emphasise practical task related competencies, but which exclude any theoretical understanding of specific production processes. The book also shows, however, that the developments set out by Braverman do not apply to all workers in the three factories. For a small group of workers the separation between conception and execution is less marked, and perceptions of skill are, as a result, less tied to practical task competencies. Thus, the relevance of labour process theory to this book concerns the ways in which Taylorist managerial strategies combine with technology to produce a division between conception and execution of tasks, and the implications of this division on the subjective perceptions of skill held by some workers.

With respect to post-Fordism, the subject of skill is debated in the context of the alleged shift from Fordist mass standardised production to flexible post-Fordist production. This flexible production relates to new flexible technologies (for example Piore and Sabel 1984) and flexible forms of work organisation (for example Atkinson 1984, Atkinson and Meager 1986). The specific relevance of post-Fordist theory to perceptions of skill, core and periphery relates to five issues. First, subjective perceptions of skill are shaped, primarily, by firm specific organisational structural features, which are themselves shaped, in part, by developments in wider capitalist product markets. In each firm, instability in the product market has led to the introduction of some form of flexibility that is explicable in the context of post-Fordist theories. The second issue relates to the particular properties of organisational structural features, and their effects on work characteristics. Although the development of some organisational structural features at each firm accords with those described by variations on the post-Fordist theme, I will attempt to show that organisational structural features themselves cannot be analysed in terms of a Fordist and post-Fordist dualism. Rather, each firm contains an amalgamation of structural characteristics commonly associated with both Fordist and post-Fordist paradigms, specifically an articulation of new flexible production technologies and rigid Taylorist managerial strategies. The perceptions of skill identified are generated, I will argue, by the causal properties contained in the specific articulation of a variety of the organisations' structural features. Thus, the causal processes that shape subjective perceptions of skill are highly contextual, and occur in distinct circumstances at particular points in time. On the other hand, whilst none of the three case study firms corresponds to Fordist or post-Fordist ideal types, and no linear patterns relating to Fordist and post-Fordist work patterns are discernible, the conceptualisation of organisational structural features in relation to Fordist and post-Fordist models does aid the initial investigation into the generative properties of particular features.

The third area of relevance concerns the post-Fordist notion of Japanisation (for example, Murray 1988, Clegg 1990). One of the case study firms is a Japanese electronics transplant. Comparison is made between the organisational features that characterise this firm with those described in the Japanisation literature, and the generative effects of Japanese production strategies are identified. Whilst the whole notion of Japanisation is complex and difficult to define, a number of the organisational characteristics found in this firm are comparable to those described by others (for example, Taylor, Eiger and Fairbrother 1993). Examples include a Just-In-Time (JIT) production strategy and Total Quality Management (TQM). I shall argue that JIT and TQM at the firm does signify a shift away from traditional Fordism, for example with respect to the articulation of supply and demand, but that the effect of this shift on work is to intensify Taylorist work patterns. The outcome in terms of skill is to reinforce the separation of conception and execution, and to generate perceptions of skill that are patterned around this separation.

The fourth issue in relation to post-Fordist theory concerns the proposed skill trajectories advanced from particular strands within the overall perspective. Each variant on the post-Fordist theme to be discussed contains specific predictions with respect to developments in workforce skills. Empirical evidence from the three case study factories provides an understanding of how far the subjective perceptions of workers accord with these predictions. I shall show that the persistence of Fordist features at each firm serves to constrain the upskilling and multi-skilling tendencies proposed by some post-Fordist theorists. As a result, the perceptions of skill expressed by the majority of workers bear little or no resemblance to the more optimistic skill trajectories set out by theorists such as Piore and Sabel, and Atkinson.

The final aspect of post-Fordist theory significant to this book concerns the core and periphery model put forward by Atkinson in 1984. Since the publication of this model the notion of core and periphery, although not without its critics (for example Pollert 1988a, 1988b, 1991, Elger 1991, Casey 1991), has become an accepted concept in the sociology of work. In his model of the flexible firm Atkinson suggested that the workforce, both in terms of labour markets and individual firms, is becoming increasingly polarised into a stable multi-skilled and secure core, and an unstable, insecure and low skilled periphery. Peripheral workers are defined as those with non-standard employment contracts such as part-time and temporary staff. This book explores the perceptions of core and periphery held by workers whose formal employment situation could be described as peripheral, and explains why workers hold the particular perceptions identified.

The exploration of perceptions of skill, core and periphery in the context of post-Fordism does not involve an unquestioning acceptance of the concept. An important conclusion of the book is that it is necessary to challenge the idea that a shift in production paradigms from Fordism to post-Fordism has taken place. This challenge is based on the argument that social processes are complex and cannot be described in terms of dualistic categories. First, the production process, machinery and organisation of work within organisations develop, in part, in response to wider economic and product market pressures. Organisational development is however uneven and results in a complex mix of structural features, some of which can be described as Fordist and others that correspond to notions of post-Fordism. Second, the categorisation of workers into core and peripheral sectors ignores important differences within and between groups. The concept of core and periphery does not provide a useful framework for exploring workers formal position in an organisation. Nor does it provide a model for exploring the patterning of skills amongst workers. The skills required of workers, and the perceptions of skill held by workers, are not patterned around formal contract types. Thus, the evidence to be put forward later contradicts Atkinson's model of a multi-skilled core workforce and a low skilled periphery.

In Chapter Three, the theoretical discussion moves away from the more wide ranging considerations of Chapter Two to focus on four specific issues. These are as follows. First, the definitions of skill advanced from within three ontological and epistemological paradigms: namely, the positivist, Weberian and ethnomethodological paradigms. The aim of this discussion is to highlight how research into skill from within these paradigms would marginalise the subjective perceptions held by workers themselves. Following the discussion of sociological definitions of skill, the theoretical debate turns to two factors that have a significant impact on subjective perceptions of skill: managerial strategies and technology. The theoretical discussion of these factors considers the nature of their generative properties prior to the elaboration, in the case study chapters, of their effects on subjective perceptions of skill. The final topic of the theoretical discussion concerns the issue of gender and skill. I will argue later that gender both is and is not a variable with respect to women's perceptions of skill. Explanation of this seemingly contradictory statement is as follows. The subjective perceptions of skill held by women are, like those of men, shaped by the organisational structural features that characterise their jobs. Women perceive skill in exactly the same way as men, and for exactly the same reasons. Thus, in this respect gender is not a salient issue. However, the jobs performed by women can be understood in terms of the vertical and horizontal gendered division of labour. In the two case study firms where women are employed they are located, in general, in the lower levels of the occupational hierarchy. Thus, it can be argued that in terms of the structural conditions that impact on perceptions of skill, gender is a salient variable.

Realist Theory and Methodology

I have already pointed out (and will discuss in more depth in Chapter Three) that the positivist, Weberian and ethnomethodological perspectives do not provide a suitable ontological and epistemological basis for an investigation of the subjective perceptions of skill held by those directly involved in production. The construction of a model through which to explain subjective perceptions of skill and the causal processes that shape them is best achieved within a realist framework. A description of realist theory and methodology is discussed in Chapter Four prior to delineation of the model. It is not the intention at this stage to give a detailed explanation of why the book is ground in the realist framework. For now I simply wish to highlight the ontological basis of the model, and to point out a number of realist principles that informed the research.

According to Pawson (1996), realist ontology is committed to the notion that "since social events are interwoven between various layers of social reality, then so must any account of them" (Pawson 1996 p. 300). Pawson identifies three key features that are fundamental to social research, and which he argues are well suited to getting to grips with the way the social world is put together:

The basic task of sociological enquiry is to explain interesting, puzzling, socially significant outcome patterns (O) between events or happenings or social properties. Explanation takes the form of positioning some underlying mechanism (M) which generates these outcomes and thus consists of propositions about how the interplay between structure and agency has constituted these outcomes. Explanatory closure requires that, within the same investigation, there is also an examination of how the workings of such mechanisms is contingent and conditional, and thus are only fired in particular historical or institutional contexts (Pawson 1996 p. 301).

This book explores outcomes in the form of subjective perceptions of skill, core and periphery in the context of underlying generative structure and agency mechanisms, and in the context of particular institutional settings. To achieve these aims, the research draws on the following principles. First, realist social theory is concerned not only with identifying regularities in the social world, but also with explaining the causal processes that link these regularities (Keat and Uny 1982, Pawson 1989). I have already indicated that the book aims to identify perceptions of skill, core and periphery, and also to uncover the emergent properties and causal processes that shape them. Second, some strands of realist social theory are concerned with identifying multi-level processes, that is, processes that occur at the levels of structure, culture and agency (Archer 1997). This concern with the stratified nature of society allows for an investigation of the interplay between processes that occur over time and on different levels of social reality. The causal processes that shape subjective perceptions of skill occur on three levels: at the structural level of the capitalist system, at the level of individual organisations, and at the level of individual agency. Third, from the realist paradigm social reality is viewed as being context dependent. Causal processes occur in relation to particular social conditions and in open social systems, thus rendering positivist claims to prediction problematic (Pawson 1989). The book identifies particular social events, and the causal processes that shape them, in the context of the specific structural conditions within which they occur. A primary assertion is that the subjective perceptions of skill held by workers are context dependent in that they develop in relation to specific organisational formations. The model will also suggest that these perceptions are open to change as individuals move between different social systems. That is, between various organisational structures.

The Case Studies

GlassCo

GlassCo manufactures clear glass containers for the cheaper end of the glass container market. The firm is, however, attempting to shift production away from standardised mass-market products towards speciality products made for more upmarket retailers. The reasons for this shift relate to developments in the glass container industry, for example market saturation and the subsequent polarisation between large firms that can utilise economies of scale, and small firms such as GlassCo that utilise economies of scope. The firm employs around 370 people, 98% of whom belong to the GMBU. It was established in the 1890s and was, for the first 100 years of its existence, owned and run by one family. In 1994 the firm was, along with a second glass manufacturer located nearby, purchased by a British multi-national company. Since the take over a number of changes have been introduced in an attempt to modernise the firm. These changes have...

Table of contents

• Cover
• Half Title
• Dedication
• Title
• Copyright
• Contents
• Acknowledgements
• List of Abbreviations
• 1 Introduction
• 2 Labour Process Theory, Fordism and Post-Fordism
• 3 Skill, Management Strategies, Technology and Gender
• 4 The Model
• 5 GlassCo
• 6 Electronics UK
• 7 Chemicals UK
• 8 The Key Conclusions
• Methodology Appendix
• Bibliography
• Index