The History of Social Development

F. Muller-Lyer, E.C. Lake, H.A. Lake

• Publisher: Taylor & Francis
• Year: 2018
• Print ISBN: 9781138614918
• eBook ISBN: 9780429873546
• Edition: 1
• Topic: Social Sciences
• Subtopic: Sociology
• Index: Social Sciences

First published in 1920, this translation of Dr. Muller-Lyer's famous book will appeal to all who are interested in labour problems at the time. It contains a series of studies of the different economic phenomena of the day, describing the gradual evolution of each from the earliest times, with an indication of the probable trend of future developments. The inter-connection of the different conditions so described is well illustrated, and each chapter ends with a brief summary of its subject matter. The accounts of the various stages of food production, of clothing, of housing and of the use of tools contain in a brief and readable form the results of the investigations of the past century.

BOOK III

ON THE HISTORY OF THE EVOLUTION OF LABOUR

INTRODUCTION

“THERE are many mighty things, but there is nothing more mighty than man.” Modern science expresses itself somewhat more modestly. It is not merely to his individual strength that man owes his power and superiority over the brute creation and over Nature, but in a far higher degree to an organized collaboration with his equals. The harmonious confederation of the many, the linking together of elementary forms into an organism of higher order, has led finally to a world-wide system of co-operating forces.

We have elsewhere¹ called this thought the fundamental truth of sociology, and this will be strongly confirmed as we consider the evolution of labour. Human labour gains its power so much through the co-operation of individuals that we may say that the history of labour is the history of co-operation, and that this is increasing intensively and extensively.

By means of co-operation work is accomplished which would be utterly impossible to the individual. There are two kinds of collaboration which depend upon the nature of the task, which may be either too strenuous or else too complicated for the individual.

1. If the labour is too strenuous, many unite in performing the same or similar activities; for example, when many roll a tree trunk which is too heavy for the individual they work together in simple co-operation.

2. If the task be too complicated then another principle of union comes into play—complex division of labour or specialization. This leads to differentiation, in which the different individuals devote themselves more or less exclusively to their various callings, and thereby gain a greater dexterity; this is exemplified by shipbuilding, shoemaking, violin playing, etc.

It may appear at first sight as if in complex division of labour or differentiation there were no special principle of combined effort; the shoemaker and the boatbuilder work separately and without concerning themselves in any way with the work of the other. And yet the differentiated workman only apparently works as an isolated man. For while the shoemaker sits at his bench, others plant his wheat for him, grind his corn, bake his bread, prepare his tools, tend the animals from whose skin yet others prepare his leather, and so on. In fact, all of these collaborate with him indirectly, with the result that the work is done in a more effectual and competent manner than he could possibly accomplish alone.

Hence co-operation and differentiation are absolutely essential principles, and up to the present man has not been able to devise any ideas that will take their place or improve on them. For when individuals unite in order to assist each other by their specialized activities, as when, for example, the carpenter, the bricklayer and the tiler unite in the building of a house, they do it by means of a union of co-operation and differentiation.

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¹ Page 58.

CHAPTER I

THE STRUCTURE OF THE ORGANIZATION OF LABOUR

A GROUP of men who work together either in single or complex co-operation, or both combined, may be defined as possessing organization of labour in contra-distinction to the labour of Isolated Man. The groups may assume the most varied forms of organization according to their size, that is as they include few or many individuals and according to the nature of their union. We will now consider these separately.

The evolution of organized labour is now proceeding in such a way that new forms of it are continually appearing and new phases are arising to which the old forms must adapt themselves. We will follow step by step this interesting development of organized labour from its lowest stage, the hordes, in which man is wholly dependent upon the caprices of Nature, up to international commerce, on which stage he has learnt to rule the world. In order to do this more clearly we will intentionally ignore for a time the causes which led to this development and concentrate our attention exclusively upon the description of the forms themselves. Later, when we have defined its progress morphologically, we will devote a special chapter to its underlying causes.¹

THE FIRST OR EARLY KINSHIP PHASE.

Organization of Labour in the Self-sufficing Horde or Clan.

On the lowest stage of culture known to us man lives in small hordes or clans, the members of which are bound together by common extraction and ties of blood. These groups look upon every one who stands within their circle as a comrade, and on every one outside as a stranger or enemy. They consider vengeance for an offence to one of their number to be a common duty; they live in continual strife with neighbouring hordes; in short, they carry on the struggle for existence in united solidarity.

But the solidarity of the horde is not confined to external relations such as war, which is the nursery of public spirit; it extends also to peaceful activities, hence it leads to economic union and organization of labour. Between them the members of the horde accomplish work which would be too severe or too unprofitable for the individual. In hunting they send out beaters to track out the game and to concentrate it in a small space; they unite in attacking the larger beasts of prey; they fish together; they co-operate in order to fell trees and to dig great pitfalls for wild beasts; they kindle fire by friction; they help each other in the preparation of long fish nets and in the building of boats, huts, etc.

Together with the communism of labour found especially among peoples having clan organization, there is a mutual possession of goods—a kind of communism of food. Universal hospitality prevails among these savages; any man can sit down at his neighbour’s table, and in times of famine everything they have is divided equally among them all. With most of the surviving hunter and fisher folks the prey belongs to the community, and among many, such as Australians and Eskimos, the quarry is divided according to rigid laws. Generosity is considered as second only to bravery, whilst a neglect to share abundance with comrades is regarded almost as theft.

The hospitality of nature peoples has often astonished civilized travellers. It is practised even by those who are themselves in need; for example, when the emaciated inhabitants of Easter Island ungrudgingly invited Cook’s companions to share their poverty-stricken meal.¹ Among the Fuegians, according to Darwin, even a piece of cloth that is given to one is torn to pieces and divided, that no man may be richer than his neighbour.² Among the Indians hospitality was carried to an exaggerated extent, the idle remaining as guests with the industrious, and so sloth was often encouraged at the expense of industry.¹ In Africa the universal custom obtains of sharing the meal with all who come to it.² This custom is still conscientiously observed by the peasant population of Italy and many parts of Germany.

When we add that the ground and soil of the country inhabited by the horde or clan is also considered common property, we see, among primitive races, a far reaching communism. It would, however, be an error to think that primitive man was lacking in a sense of personal possession. Weapons, tools, household implements, ornaments, etc., which are the product of individual labour—and at this stage of culture great scope is allowed to individual production—count so much as personal property that it is not even bequeathed, but accompanies the dead possessor into his grave. In all cases the horde or clan, even at the lowest culture stage represents a comparatively powerful organization which stands and works together both in war and peace. ³

But even in the clan which is, the lowest stage of culture known to us there is found a second form of organization of labour; that is the Family, the strong tie which binds together a man, his wife and their children. The family is not only a social, but also and above all an economic creation which rests on the division of labour between man and wife, on differentiation of work according to sex. The husband is a warrior and hunter, and makes the arms and tools necessary to these occupations; the wife builds the hut, keeps up the fire, prepares the food, looks after the smaller children, and has to take upon herself almost all the more difficult and arduous work. Thus, as will be fully explained later in a chapter on the “Phases of Differentiation” labour is divided between the sexes into specialized male and female labour, and since all division of labour is only possible if the specialized agents work harmoniously, man and woman must mutually supplement each other. Primitive marriage is simply the expression of this economic union.

The family is a part of the clan, and the clan or horde itself produces everything that it needs. We might therefore speak of a self-sufficing clan, although not yet of self-sufficing families; for this, as we shall see, was a later phenomenon.

As has been said before, we find on the lowest culture stage two forms of organization of labour—(1) the union of the whole horde or clan with its communism of labour, food and soil; (2) the union of the family, with the division of labour between the sexes.

Which of these two organizations is the older cannot be stated with any certainty. As we shall see later, it is probable that in the earliest times the horde organization alone existed, and that the family, presenting an early form of differentiation, arose later. But in any case, the peoples who represented such a primeval organization have vanished and are unknown.

THE SECOND OR HIGH KINSHIP PHASE.

Clan Organization with “Foreign”Trade.

As we have just seen, the two oldest forms of organization of labour were the clan and the family, which are at the same time the oldest forms of social units known to sociology. The clan produces within itself everything which is in general demand among the members.

The next step on the long road from self-sufficing clans to interdependent nations, from individual production to world-wide administration, is brought about when neighbouring tribes come into contact with one another and exchange the products of their land. In addition to the first two forms of organization, the family and the clan, there now comes a third and extended organization of labour, i.e. division of labour and commerce between neighbouring tribes, which for brevity’s sake we will designate “Foreign” trade. That in fact this extended division of labour (extended differentiation) is more ancient than the differentiation of callings within the t...

Table of contents

• Cover
• Half Title
• Title Page
• Copyright Page
• Original Title Page
• Original Copyright Page
• Introductory Note
• Introductory Note
• Translators’ Preface
• Preface
• Table of Contents
• List of the Summaries Inserted in Text
• Book I Introduction to Sociology
• Book II The History of the Evolution of Food, Implements, Clothes and Dwellings
• Book III The History of the Evolution of Labour
• Book IV The Causes of the Progress of Culture
• Book V A Summary of the Culture Stages
• Book VI Culture and Happiness
• List of References Quoted in Text