Schools, Food and Social Learning

Gurpinder Singh Lalli

• Publisher: Taylor & Francis
• Year: 2019
• eBook ISBN: 9780429772504
• Edition: 1
• Topic: Physical Sciences
• Subtopic: Geography
• Index: Geography

This book explores the potential of school dining halls as spaces of social learning through interactions between students and teachers.

Schools, Food and Social Learning highlights the neglect of school dining halls in sociological research and the fact that so much can be gained from fostering interpersonal relations with other students and the school staff over meals. The book focuses primarily on social and life skills that students develop during lunch-hour meetings, modelling behaviors while eating and conversing in the school space known as the 'restaurant'. With case studies based in the UK, the book takes a social constructivist approach to dealing with the tensions and challenges between the aims of the school – creating an eating space that promotes social values and encourages the development of social skills, and the activities of teachers and catering assistants of managing and providing food for many students daily.

The book carries snippets of interviews with children, dining hall attendants, teachers, parents and the school leadership team, offering a new way of thinking about social learning for both scholars and students of Social Anthropology, Sociology, Social Policy, Food Policy, Education Studies and Childhood Studies.

1 Introduction

Peartree Academy

It was a frosty winter’s morning, at 8 o’clock on 16th January 2012 as I approached with some trepidation the school I later called Peartree Academy. The entrance was unusual. On the left, and built as part of the school, was a church. I discovered later that the church was regularly used by the local community, and ceremonies such as baptisms and marriages as well as funerals took place during the week even when the school was open. On the right was the school reception where all visitors were asked to sign in before proceeding. Walking straight ahead and through the doors into the school, I was faced with a surprise. The area that lay in front of me was a wide-open space filled with tables attractively grouped to provide seating for small to large numbers of people. On each table stood a small vase of fresh flowers and the whole eating area shone with cleanliness and care. Even though this was before the start of the school day, I saw children eating breakfast, parents talking to one another, and a few adults who I assumed to be the teachers chatting in groups, standing around the edge of the dining area. Later in the day, after I talked with the principal, I returned to the dining area, when children were coming in for lunch. This area was known as ‘the restaurant’ and it became my main research site for collecting data.

Background

It is often said that a ‘family that eats together, stays together’ (Stone, 2002: 270) and this book brings school food to the forefront as it leads to developing a new and refreshing way of thinking about school dining halls. The social glue in which this notion is based suggests that schools and families can be brought closer together in helping children to succeed in society and education, which influences their life chances. So what can be said about the ideal school dining space and what type of functions would it have? Is there any point in school dining hall reform or is it just a redundant part of the school? Whilst space for eating is accounted for in developed countries, it has not been so accessible for developing countries (McEwan, 2013; Jyoti et al., 2005; Ahmed, 2004); and as important as the calorific content of school lunch may be, the space in which it is being consumed is also salient and concentrated upon in this book. In addition, what type of learning opportunities can or could be presented in the school dining hall? In considering these questions, the book follows a narrative on how one particular school dining hall is operating and examples of the type of social learning that is taking place versus the tensions of whether forms of surveillance measures hinder this learning from occurring.

I have a vested interest and passion for school meals, not only to the extent of the calorific state of food but more so how food is being consumed and the social actors who take part in this activity. As a sociologist of education, I quickly became acquainted with the societal influences of inequality, yet my research has led me to research all things school food. Inevitably, this has involved speaking far and wide in conferences based in a number of subject disciplines including anthropology, education, geography, sociology and social policy. This multifaceted approach to school food has shaped me into a versatile thinker as one cannot ignore the multidisciplinary nature in which food exists, so this has connected me to a number of foodies both locally and internationally. Therefore, this book is particularly useful for sociologists, educators and leaders who have an interest in school dining spaces.

The sociology of food is a growing discipline which is yet to become cemented as a course programme in higher education, yet a number of programmes focus on food policy and the anthropology of food. Murcott (1983) discussed this emergence and highlighted how it would typically appear in newspaper articles. Whilst some literature is beginning to surface on this area, it is recent (Lalli, 2019; Earl, 2018; Wills et al., 2015; Andersen et al., 2015; Osowski et al., 2013); and Beardsworth and Keil (1996) also recognised the importance of the sociology of food and noted how the social sciences was just as important as the natural sciences in the study of human nutrition (Yudkin and McKenzie, 1964). Weaver-Hightower (2011) promotes the idea of placing a further emphasis on food-related research in an educational setting and recognises how food plays a vital role in the daily aspects of life in schools.

Policy

School meals are considered to be a popular area for policy reform; the work of the owners of restaurant chain LEON, Dimbleby and Vincent (DfE, 2013) introduced the School Food Plan (DfE, 2013) with the backing of the secretary of state for education at that time, Michael Gove, by devising a plan to support head teachers in school meal reform across UK schools. More recently, Henry Dimbleby was commissioned to lead an independent review to consider the food chain from field to fork, which will lead to the development of a National Food Strategy for England (DEFRA, 2019), reflective of a joint-up approach between government and industry experts. Dimbleby and Vincent (DfE, 2013) identify sustenance and the hidden benefits associated with food, such as how pupils, peers and teachers are able to sit and eat together whilst developing positive and lasting relationships in a civil environment. It was clear from the work of Dimbleby and Vincent (2013) that pupils cared about the food environment and like the idea of a clean and well-lit space, with friendly cooks and midday supervisors. It was also noted how pupils enjoyed socialising in the dining environment with peers, whether friends had packed lunches or school dinners, and the idea of a shorter queue was preferred. Close links to the School Food Plan (DfE, 2013) are discussed in a study by Hart (2016), placing a focus on the social context of the school meal, which highlights issues of public health and the school meal, a topic quickly becoming an area for public debate.

Historical perspective

The school meal is a symbolic and universal occasion, one which typically occurs at midday around the globe and this universal connection leads one to think about the influences upon meals which ultimately shape how they take place. For this reason, it is quite important to highlight a historical view of the English school meal in particular as there appears to be little work done on this area (Evans and Harper, 2009; Welshman, 1997) and the discussions to follow suggest that political agendas often feed into policy making. Three key periods in time have shaped the school meal to date which include 1) 1870–1879, 2) 1980–2000, and 3) 2001 to the present day.

1870–1979

The introduction of the Elementary Education Act (1870) set the framework for all children between the ages of 5 and 12 to start attending school. In 1880, this was made compulsory for children up to the age of 12. The driving force behind this was an apparent need for a more competitive Britain (Cross and MacDonald, 2009). Following the introduction of the Elementary Education Act (1870) in 1879, Manchester began to provide Free School Meals (FSM) to poorly nourished children, which saw the introduction of a similar scheme in Bradford, initially set up by Fred Jowett and Margaret McMillan, who pushed for government legislation to encourage education authorities to provide school meals (Gillard, 2003). In a survey carried out between 1889 and 1903, it was found that a quarter of the population living in London did not have enough money to survive (Gillard, 2003). Moreover, Seebohm Rowntree’s survey of working-class families in York in 1901 found almost half of those earning could not afford enough food to maintain physical efficiency (Gillard, 2003: 2). Consequently, due to levels of poverty at that time, children did not have access to appropriate nutrition and many parents did not understand nutrition due to the level of poverty (Gillard, 2003).

Following World War I, the introduction of the Education Act (1921) raised the school leaving age to 14 and empowered Local Education Authorities (LEAs) to provide FSM for those children who were eligible. However, due to the miners’ strike of that year, attention was diverted, but eventually, the introduction of FSM led to an increase in the cost of providing meals, to almost £1m (Gillard, 2003). The Board of Education introduced a rationing system in order to limit the cost to central government, down to £300,000 (Welshman, 1997). Consequently, the rationing system affected the poor areas of the country, with less than half of those considered malnourished receiving meals (Webster, 1985: 216). Overall, a survey of 26 LEAs, carried out in 1936, showed that where unemployment was above 25 per cent, in a population of half a million, less than 15,000 children were receiving free meals, with eight of the LEAs having no service at all. By 1939, less than half of all local authorities were providing school meals, with 130,000 meals being served each day, totalling only 3 per cent of the school population, although 50 per cent were receiving milk (Smith, 1996: 191).

World War II saw a further emphasis placed on the nation’s health, with food rationing introduced in 1940 as part of the war effort in an attempt to ensure a healthy nation. The school lunch had to be suitable as the main meal of the day and had to meet the nutritional standards (covering energy, protein and fat) introduced in 1941 (Morgan and Sonnino, 2010: 91). Eventually, school meals were introduced in all state schools during World War II. The Education Act (1944) made it compulsory for every LEA to provide a school meal, which became a significant feature of the welfare state (Gillard, 2003). LEAs were informed that the price of meals could not exceed the cost of food. During the Labour government (1945–1951), a proposal to provide all school meals free of charge was planned but eventually this was deemed unrealistic (Gillard, 2003). By 1951, 84 per cent of the population drank school milk. The typical daily diet of a child in 1951 included cereal or eggs with bread and butter for breakfast; meat, potatoes, a vegetable and a pudding for lunch; bread, butter, biscuits and jam for tea; with milk being the last thing at night (Gillard, 2003).

Up until the 1970s, the UK had a comprehensive school meals service, which was relatively cheap and also provided children from disadvantaged backgrounds the opportunity to access FSM. However, the introduction of the conservative government in 1979 meant the school meal had to adjust to the new consumer culture of the 1970s, which saw a change in attitude towards school meals. In her response to spending cuts, to meet their election pledges on tax, Margaret Thatcher demanded cuts in four areas, two of which included school meal charges and free school milk. When she became Prime Minister in 1979, during her first year, astonishingly for most, she brought an end to the provision of school milk for children over the age of seven (Smith, 2010). However, although she was known for abolishing free school milk, it was Harold Wilson’s Labour government that stopped free milk for secondary pupils in 1968. In 1971, Thatcher, who was education secretary under Sir Edward Heath, brought an end to free school milk for children over the age of seven, although recent documents released suggest she had fought to save the grants but was overruled by Sir Edward Heath (Smith, 2010).

1980–2000

The Education Act (1980) also saw a move away from meeting nutritional standards, which involved an end to free school milk whilst removing any obligation for meals to be sold at a fixed price. This enabled LEAs to provide free milk as the scheme enabled them to claim additional funding for primary and secondary milk sales. In 1988, many children lost their eligibility for FSM and some school meal payments made by the government were replaced by direct cash sums to families. However, there was no way of establishing whether this cash incentive was spent on food. By 1990, the criteria for FSM changed as LEAs were only required to provide meals for children entitled to free dinners and also to provide a place for children to eat packed lunches (Dare and O’Donovan, 2002: 90). This saw the introduction of a privatised culture of school meals, where the priority shifted from providing a nutritional meal with in-house school control to a ‘value for money’ meal culture.

By the time New Labour took power in 1997, there was a mass of evidence pointing to the nation’s health concerns, particularly children’s diets, which had become less healthy over time, with concerns about excessive levels of sugar, salt and fat (Gillard, 2003). The government announced that it would introduce nutritional guidelines which encouraged school canteens to provide a choice of four main categories of food – fruit and vegetables, meat and protein, starchy foods and milk and dairy products. The main agenda was to ensure fruit and vegetables were accessible and affordable for all, as the Public Health Minister, Yvette Cooper, argued in 2000 that children who grew up in low income households ate less fruit and vegetables than children who grew up in high income households.

2001–present day

In 2001, over 1.8 million children in the UK were eligible for FSM, but it was reported that only one in five pupils claimed this entitlement (Storey and Chamberlain, 2001). Nutritional standards were reintroduced in 2001. It was during the period 2001–2011 that attention was refocused on health matters, and in particular, issues of obesity and quality of school dinners. These concerns were pushed into political focus in February 2005 by food chef Jamie Oliver, in the television series Jamie’s School Dinners. For once, this brought a general consensus amongst the three main government parties (Labour, Conservatives and the Liberal Democrats). Their manifestos leading up to the general election all promised to improve school meals, police junk food advertising aimed at children and to control the content of school vending machine sales (Gillard, 2003). Education Secretary Ruth Kelly promised an additional £280m to improve school meals, and as of March 2005 the government was required to allocate 50 pence a day on ingredients per primary pupil and 60 pence per day per secondary pupil (Branigan et al., 2005).

In 2005, food revolutionary Jamie Oliver’s Channel 4 series Jamie’s School Dinners (Conlan, 2005) caused an uproar because evidence identified pupils consuming a quarter of a ton of chips every week at Kidbrooke School in Greenwich (BBC News, 2007). The food budget was 37p per meal and the dinner ladies at the school had become demotivated. As a result, the Children’s Food Trust (CFT) was set up in 2005 in order to help schools introduce and maintain the national standards for school food, as well as helping children enjoy their lunchtime experience. Junk food was banned in schools in 2006 (BBC News, 2006).

In 2007, OfSTED introduced new interim standards fo...

Table of contents

• Cover
• Half Title
• Title
• Copyright
• Contents
• List of tables
• Acknowledgements
• 1 Introduction
• 2 Social learning
• 3 'You are what you eat': learning through school meals
• 4 'Come dine with me': surveillance mechanism or community forum
• 5 'Food for thought': conclusion
• Index