Darwinism represents a distinctively modern kind of uncertain science. James learned this lesson from his teachers and intellectual companions at Harvard and expressed it in his very earliest publications.
An education in Darwinism
James matriculated at Harvard’s Lawrence Scientific School in 1861, fast on the heels of the 1859 publication of Darwin’s Origin. At Harvard James had contact with a series of luminaries who helped to define modern scientific education and research, all in a context where Darwinism was the defining issue of the time.2 James first enrolled as a student of chemistry under Charles Eliot, a Darwinian who would oversee Harvard’s transformation into a world-class research institution during his epic 40-year tenure as the university’s president. Eliot instituted Harvard’s elective system and heavily promoted the study of empirical science – two factors that worked in James’s favour when Eliot eventually hired back his former student to teach niche courses on physiological psychology and evolution in the 1870s. The young James did not study with Eliot long, however, and quickly turned his attention from chemistry to anatomy. Here James studied under Jeffries Wyman. Although Wyman could not reconcile blind natural selection with his Unitarian theism, he accepted a form of spiritually guided evolution and provided James with formal training in Darwinism. James considered Wyman his exemplar of humble and disinterested scientific inquiry. This approach to science was shared by the great Harvard botanist Asa Gray, who did much to unify the taxonomy of plants in North America. Gray considered blind selection to be compatible with his theism, but he allowed a role for divine agency in the generation of variation.3 James did not study with Gray directly, but he was aware of his presence and witnessed him speaking publicly in favour of Darwinism. These figures were more than just teachers. They were active researchers who were grappling with Darwin’s new theory when its implications were just beginning to be understood. Indeed, both Wyman and Gray were personal correspondents of Darwin’s, with whom they shared the details of their research.
The dominant scientist at Harvard when James arrived there was no Darwinian at all, however. On the contrary, it was stalwart anti-evolutionist Louis Agassiz. The addition of Agassiz to the faculty at Lawrence had been instrumental in the legitimization of the school as an institution and in the professionalization of the sciences more broadly in the US. Agassiz hailed from Switzerland and had studied with master French anatomist Georges Cuvier. He also had the distinction of being the first to propose a past global ‘ice age’ in his geological theory. From his authoritative post, Agassiz inveighed against evolutionism – and especially Darwinism – to the best of his ability. Agassiz and Gray were openly antagonistic on this question, and James witnessed one of Agassiz’s lectures against Darwinism within months of beginning his studies.4 James also got to know Agassiz better by joining him on an expedition to South America in 1865. One motivation for this trip for Agassiz and his financial backers was to find evidence undermining natural selection. James was taking Darwin’s theory seriously by this point, however, and his opinions of Agassiz were decidedly mixed. As James writes to his father from the Amazon,
I have profited a great deal by hearing Agassiz talk, not so much by what he says, for never did a man utter a greater amount of humbug, but by learning the way of feeling of such a vast practical engine as he is. No one sees farther into a generalization than his own knowledge of details extends, and you have a greater feeling of weight and solidity about the movement of Agassiz’s mind, owing to the continual presence of this great background of special facts, than about the mind of any other man I know.5
James would remain convinced that generalizations are worth no more than the concrete experiences on which they are based, which is ultimately what ‘cashes them out’. This is one sense in which James remained a lifelong empiricist. The irony of Agassiz is that, while he was oriented toward facts and taught in an aggressively hands-on manner, he did not really respect the right of facts to undermine his procrustean worldview. Species for Agassiz were static and ideal reflections of divine will. No amount of observation could have changed that axiom. Agassiz was thus a transitional figure in the history of biology who sided with the outgoing generation. If Gray and Wyman represented to James a cautiously modern approach to knowledge, then Agassiz represented an outmoded faith in idealized form. Wyman is ‘the paragon . . . of goodness, disinterestedness, and the single-minded love of truth’,6 while Agassiz’s ‘charlatanerie is almost as great as his solid worth. . . . He wishes to be too omniscient’.7
Despite his contact with these towering figures, James’s education meandered uncertainly. Indeed, James was a chronic vacillator who was often unsure about major life decisions. By the time of his South America trip, James had enrolled in Harvard Medical School under the supervision of Oliver Wendell Holmes, Sr. In this context, his South American excursion with Agassiz could be interpreted as an escape from uncertainties about his prospects as a physiologist or doctor. The same could be said of James’s 1867/1868 trip to Germany, where he travelled to study the new field of experimental psychology in its homeland. James finally earned his medical degree after returning to Harvard in 1869. This was James’s only earned degree, although he would never practice medicine. Instead, he took various appointments at Harvard in physiology, psychology and (eventually) philosophy. In James’s words,
I originally studied medicine in order to be a physiologist, but I drifted into psychology and philosophy from a sort of fatality. I never had any philosophic instruction, the first lecture on psychology I ever heard being the first I ever gave.8
The Metaphysical Club
James’s education in evolutionary theory did not come only from his teachers. He also found an enviable cadre of intellectual companions. Of particular relevance is the Metaphysical Club, a discussion group that seems to have centred on Harvard in the 1870s.9 In addition to James, this group included Charles Sanders Peirce, Chauncey Wright, John Fiske and Oliver Wendell Holmes, Jr., among others. The Metaphysical Club was a major incubator of American pragmatism, especially insofar as this school may be traced to Peirce and to James’s adaptation and popularization of certain of his key ideas. The role of evolutionary theory in this group was pronounced. John Fiske was America’s foremost promulgator of the evolutionary philosophy of Herbert Spencer, which he combined with his own optimistic brand of theism. Peirce was so taken by the notion of randomness begetting order that he generalized it into a cosmic principle of absolute chance or tychism. Chance for Peirce – unlike for Darwin – refers not to our ignorance but to an objective feature of the world. James would follow Peirce in this view and make it a cornerstone of his metaphysics of indeterminism.
By all accounts, however, the dominant member of the Metaphysical Club was Chauncey Wright. Wright wa...