Coping with Homelessness

Issues to be Tackled and Best Practices in Europe

Dragana Avramov

• Publisher: Taylor & Francis
• Year: 2018
• Print ISBN: 9781138611870
• eBook ISBN: 9780429873003
• Edition: 1
• Topic: Social Sciences
• Subtopic: Social Work
• Index: Social Sciences

First published in 1999. The phenomenon of homelessness is not new, but it has only recently been perceived as a social problem in European Member States. Even in the early 1990s little was known about the paths in and out of homelessness. This volume presents the papers arising from EUROHOME: Emergency and Transitory Housing for Homeless people: Needs and Best Practices. This project enabled a review of the state of knowledge in the field, an analysis of recent trends and a discussion of the prospects for improvement in the prevention of homelessness and the public response to housing in Europe. EUROHOME, and this collection, thus bring together experts in the study of: *

PART 1
POVERTY, SOCIAL
EXCLUSION AND
HOMELESSNESS

1 Weakening and Breaking of Social Ties: Analysis of Explanatory Factors

SERGE PAUGAM

Introduction

In any society that perceives poverty as intolerable and unacceptable on a personal level, the social status of ‘poverty’ becomes a stigma. Those members of society who are ‘poor’ are consequently forced to lead their lives in a state of isolation. They try to cover up their inferiority to those who surround them and maintain distant relations with others who would, under different circumstances, be close to them. The humiliating nature of their situation leads them to consider themselves as not belonging to any definable social class. The social category to which all poor people could be said to belong is extremely varied, which increases the risk of its individual members becoming isolated. At the beginning of this century Georg Simmel had already noticed that in modern society the social category of ‘the poor’ constituted a ‘unique sociological synthesis’.

Concerning its place in society as a whole the group is extremely homogeneous, but the individuals that make up the group are extremely heterogeneous. It is the common end of a great variety of paths, a sea in which lives that come from all social classes float side by side. Every social change or development however radical or lenient adds a certain number of members to the ranks of the poor. The worst aspect of poverty is that it covers a group of people whose only identifiable social status is the fact that they are poor (Simmel, 1908).

This analysis of poverty as a heterogeneous social phenomenon is verified by present analysis. Studies conducted in France and other European countries concerning those who receive RMI (Income Support) (see Paugam, 1993) have lead to similar conclusions. The dependence upon social welfare within a social structure that is increasingly marked by unemployment has lead to the social group that we classify as poor becoming more and more varied. Often the process of social disqualification can be identified by an exclusion from professional activity and hence an increasing dependence on others and associations with other poor people with very different backgrounds.

Social Disqualification Concept

In 1986/87 when I first undertook a social study of this nature at Saint-Brieuc (80 years after Simmel’s text was published) one thing struck me immediately – the large and rapid increase in the number of people who were dependent upon the various services provided by the welfare state. It therefore seemed appropriate to analyse the phenomenon of poverty through its relation to welfare state dependence, particularly so considering the social structure with which we are dealing at the present time.

Both the statistics resulting from the study and my own consideration of the problem on a theoretical basis led me to the view that poverty today is better defined as an ongoing process rather than as a fixed state. No definition of social poverty as static can account for the heterogeneous nature of its individual members. Any such definition also avoids the central issue that faces us: the progressive accumulation of difficulties from their origins to their final effects, whether we are considering individuals or whole families. In order to develop a better understanding of the phenomenon as a whole I developed the concept of ‘social disqualification’. ‘Social disqualification’ takes into account the increasingly common phenomenon of long-term lack of regular work, for whatever reason. ‘Social disqualification’ also examines the different stages through which the poor have passed and the way in which they have been affected by their contact with the social welfare structure. The notion of ‘social disqualification’ therefore places an emphasis upon the varying and changing nature of poverty. There are three main elements.

First is what might be called the branding or labelling of those who receive welfare assistance. The mere fact of accepting assistance marks ‘poor’ people apart, changing all the relations they have and even their perception of those that are finished – receiving assistance changes the identity of the recipient. In a society where most of the members spend a large part of their lives and their energy in order to avoid becoming poor, the label of poor can only be a pejorative one. Consequently anyone to whom the label ‘poor’ is attached is almost forced into a state isolation. Resistance to the effects of branding vary of course from case to case depending upon the relations maintained with the social welfare institutions and also the possibility of active work being undertaken.

The second element of ‘social disqualification’ concerns the particular methods used to reintegrate the poor. Owing to the fact that the ‘poor’ are dependant upon the rest of the community, they are often defined as ‘useless’ or as form of ‘social residue’. This pejorative imagery and labelling are often internalised by those to whom it is applied. The logical deduction that comes from such thinking is that if there were not a class of ‘the poor’ who do nothing but drain the well-earned resources of the rest of society, then the whole social structure would be in a more positive state, and would be able to put to a positive use those resources used to support a minority of its members. Such a social conception takes no account whatsoever of the important role of social welfare as a form of regulator of the social system as a whole. Even if ‘the poor’ are prevented by the fact of their accepting ‘social aid’ from playing an active role in society, that does not necessarily imply that they are to be excluded. Although their positions on the rung are lower, they are still members of society. This is an important difference between ‘disqualification’ and ‘exclusion’. The notion of ‘disqualification’ allows us to analyse social situations that might otherwise be called partial exclusion. In addition to this difference, notice that the concept itself is derived from the relations between parts of the social structure that are interdependent. The concept of ‘disqualification’ allows us not only to study those who are on the edges of society and the reasons for their being so placed; it also allows us to examine what links the edges of society to the social centre and hence how the society as a whole is to be defined and understood.

The third element of ‘social disqualification’ can be divided into several distinct parts. In order to take account of the varied nature of those who benefit from the help of social action I have defined three groups according to the type of relations that they develop with such services: fragile (those who are only occasionally in contact with welfare services), assisted (regular or contractual relations), marginal (substandard relations). Within these three groups I have distinguished the members according to their past history: ‘internalised fragility’, ‘negotiated fragility’, ‘deferred assistance’, ‘established assistance’, ‘claimed assistance’, ‘warded-off marginality’, ‘organised marginality ‘. Such a method of categorising ‘the poor’ takes account not only of the partially institutionalised analyses effectuated by the different social services, but also of the way in which the subjects of assistance gave a sense to their own need for assistance. Each organism of assistance defines its role in regard to its work in relation to one or more of the categories of ‘the poor’.

If I was asked to qualify or update La disqualification sociale, which was first published in 1991, one thing I would certainly insist more upon would be the direct correspondence between the three main groups of the population and three distinguishable phases in the development of poverty.¹ In order to underline the importance of the process and to reduce misconceptions that are widespread concerning the categorisation that takes place, I would alter some of the key vocabulary. Instead of ‘fragile persons’ I would use ‘fragility’. Instead of ‘assisted persons’ I would use ‘dependence’. Instead of ‘marginals’ I would use the idea of ‘social ties breaking or rupture’. Of course the type of categorisation established was not statistically based upon fixed social strata; its basic principle implied the possibility of passing from one phase to another. The analysis of seven types of experience took account both of social transformations that had taken place and of previous social identity. The very circumstances in which the monograph on Saint-Brieuc was published dictated that it was undertaken with certain caution. The question of passing from one phase to another could only be supported by material from a limited number of interviews during which the subjects were able to give information about their own past history as well as analyse their own development. Such an analysis, of course, depends upon the subject’s being conscious of the development of his own relations with the institutions of assistance – this was certainly not always the case. The material was too limited to develop any satisfactory line of investigation. It was also impossible to prove that Saint-Brieuc was exactly representative of the whole of France in terms of poverty and its classification. The work that has been completed subsequently has allowed me to reinforce the approach I took then and also to develop the notion of ‘social disqualification’.

It will be my hypothesis that the weakening and breaking of social links play a fundamental part in the process of the development of poverty.

The Weakening of Social Links

Recent studies completed in France, in particular the multidimensional study effected by INSEE, concerning the living conditions of households that are termed ‘disadvantaged situations’ (i.e. situations défavorisées) clearly show a correlation between instability in professional life and weakness of social links. The unemployed often maintain distant relations with family members outside their immediate household. The greater the professional instability, the greater probability of no family relation at all being maintained. Men are more sensitive than are women to this phenomenon of isolation and internalisation. The age range of 30–50 is most highly affected; professional instability is hardest to bear during that period which is normally considered as the most active of a working person’s life. Possibilities of help either from close relations or from social relations diminish directly in relation to the degree of instability experienced.²

It can be concluded that the risk of a weakening of social links is directly proportional to the difficulties that an individual encounters in obtaining regular work. This clearly explains the current and widespread phenomenon of the decay of the social fabric and uneasiness in communities that suffer a high rate of unemployment. That is not to say that every working class community has become a social vacuum, but if we make a comparison between the current situation and the descriptions of sociologists and ethnologists during the 1950s and 1960s, it is clear that there has been a weakening of community life in these areas. Community life has undergone transformations as a result of social differentiations that have developed in the working class: certain groups have left the areas as a result of their increasing affluence; others have been constrained to immobility. More and more families have no choice but to live in the unfavourable areas of a city. One of the widespread results is the development of a negative image of themselves and a wish to distance themselves from their immediate neighbours. Knowing how family reputations are created, the main objective for many is to hide their everyday problems and worries in the hope that future re-employment will allow them to move away into better area.

The weakening of social links takes place essentially during the first two places of the process of ‘social disqualification’: fragility and dependence. By analysing the experiences that subjects have undergone we can formulate an understanding of the process itself. Both dismissal, which is often interpreted as professional failure, and the failure to obtain a first job are causes of an increasing consciousness of the distance between the individual subject and the large majority of the population. An overbidding sense of all-too-visible failure develops which leads to the thought that everyday behaviour and habits will necessarily be interpreted, by those who are in a position to observe, as clear indication of social ineptness or inferiority; in extreme cases as a social handicap. The unemployed often feel that they are perceived as carriers of a ‘social plague’ when they try to explain their problems openly in public. Many who live in underprivileged areas or areas with a bad reputation prefer to conceal their address in order to avoid the humiliation of being associated with the socially unacceptable. In the case where social assistance becomes an absolute necessity, often the shame which this stigma invokes is extremely difficult to accept. They prefer to maintain a clear distance between themselves and social workers. ‘Opening the door’ to welfare assistance is often thought of as the first stage in the loss or resignation of any real social status and its accompanying self-respect and dignity.

People in such a position do not give up all hope of re-employment. They search actively for work both in the newspapers and at the work exchange, ANPE (French employment agency). When they are the beneficiaries of RMI (Income Support) they normally wish to become independent again as soon as possible. RMI is seen as a transitional compensation for unemployment, which also creates the risk of becoming more and more dependent upon assistance while social integration is dependent upon a professional activity. They are fully aware of the danger of becoming habitually inactive, with the final consequence of the loss of all professional identity whatsoever. These beneficiaries of RMI have fully understood the moral judgments that are aimed at those who are considered to be simply taking advantage of the welfare system. They see no use in strengthening their links with the institution of social assistance by signing an ‘insertion contract’ that would simply make them more dependent on a world they wish escape (see Paugam, 1993).

As a result of the experience of this first phase and its accompanying uneasiness, someone who is unemployed will tend to focus his attention upon his close family relations. Many subjects feel discouraged to the point of giving up, and direction of all attention onto the family helps to avoid the criticism or supposed criticism of others. Both fear and guilt force many to live within the four walls of their own home, either with hobbies or else in front of the television. At Saint-Brieuc the unemployed who inhabited la Cité du Point d...

Table of contents

• Cover
• Half Title
• Title Page
• Copyright Page
• Table of Contents
• List of Figures
• List of Tables
• Foreword
• Preface
• Introduction: The State-of-the-art Research of Homelessness and Provision of Services in Europe
• Part 1: Poverty, Social Exclusion and Homelessness
• Part 2: The Research of Homelessness: Data and Methodology
• Part 3: Values and Policies in Relation to Homelessness
• Part 4: Services for Homeless People – Needs and Provisions
• Part 5: The Research Agenda
• Contributors
• Contributing Organisations