In recent years, the role of space in development has come under increased scrutiny. How development intrudes the space and space in turn impacts development have been the questions of constant debates among social scientists, specifically among geographers. The cities remain thickly implicated in space and social relations, and have variously been described âas by-product of economic changeâ, âdrivers of development/modernizationâ, âobstacle to developmentâ, âaccumulatorsâ, âmetropolesâ and so on. Despite attempts by geographers, the mainstream social theories for a long time have remained despatialized (Soja, 1989). Historicism has remained a main concern of socio-economic theories and space in everyday life remains speculative and even considered as a ânoiseâ. The scalarity of space in the socio-economic process has been another issue that social scientists still grapple with to understand. This led Foucault (1980) to observe that a whole history remains to be written of spacesâwhich would at the same time be the history of powers (both of these terms in the plural)âfrom the great strategies of geopolitics to the little tactics of the habitat. Soja (1989) says, âthe spatial order of human existence arises from the (social) production of space, the construction of human geographies that both reflect and configure being in the worldâ (p. 25). With regard to economic development, it was Perroux (1955; 1970), who for the first time systematically put forward his conception about spatial development and explained that spatial equilibrium in economic development was difficult to realize. A similar conception led economists to coin terms like spatial âtrickle downâ and âpolarizationâ (Hirschman, 1958) âbackwashâ and âspreadâ (Myrdal, 1957). Perrouxâs idea of growth pole which related to propulsive industries was later translated by many into spatial growth poles and used in regional planning. In this framework, âtowns and cities can be regional drivers of growth and changeâ (Beall and Fox, 2009: 84), and this saw the emergence of literature which explained the organic relationship between cities and countryside (Gore, 1984). Cities got described as âgeographical foundations of economic growthâ (Scott and Storper, 2003: 580) to âcentre of gravity of economyâ and âlogistic hearts of the economic activityâ (Braudel, 1984: 27). In fact, of late, many theories with regard to spatial dialectics and space relations have been formulated in specialized fields like sociology, psychology and economics, and geography remains their ultimate repository. This paper examines the space-development relationship and the role of cities in the same. We first discuss the theories regarding spatial development and its relationship with megacities followed by empirical evidence from India on the same.
CITIES, SPACE AND DEVELOPMENT
Today, more than 50 per cent of the worldâs population live in cities and more than 70 per cent of the worldâs income emerges from cities. Wirth defines cities as a ârelatively large, dense and permanent settlement of socially heterogeneous individualsâ (Wirth, 1938: 8). In fact, as per Wirth, size, density and heterogeneity create a distinctive way of life that is specific to cities. Cities are also seen as âconcentration and congregation of human energiesâ (Beall and Fox, 2009: 3), demographic sinks, privileged spaces, and spaces of command and controls. They are also conceptualized as engines of economic growth and development, âas by-products of economic change, drivers of modernizationâ (Beal and Fox, 2009: 19). Innovations in a society have been directly linked with the level of urbanization in that society (Bairoch, 1988: 323â5). Cities are also described as potential centres fuelling growth to their peripheries and used in planning as tools for spatial development (Friedmann and Alonso, 1975). The role of cities in the making of civilizations and economic transformations are also well acknowledged (Childe, 1950). Lewis Mumford says, âCity is a geographical plexus, an economic organization, an institutional process, a theatre of social action, and an aesthetic symbol of collective unityâ (1937: 93â4). Urbanism as described by Louis Wirth in some other context, is now being used in New Economic Geography (NEG) to explain the economic power of cities. It is claimed that the density and diversity of economic activity in cities generate âexternal economies of scale.1 These external economies associated with cities are: (1) localization economies and (2) urbanization or Jacob economies. The spatial clustering of firms engaged in the production of similar goods produces localization economies. This concept is related to Alfred Marshall (1920) who observed that (a) proximity allows firms to share inputs, (b) a large pool of labour allows matching of skill of labour and need of firms, (c) density facilitates easy sharing of information and ideas, leading to effective learning, innovation and diffusion (Marshall, 1920: 267â77). The external economies of scale produced by diversity (of firms and individuals) are known as urbanization economies or Jacobsâ economies.
Edward W. Soja says that cities manifest the power of Synekism, that is socio-spatial force or stimulus unique to urban agglomerations.2 In this context, Jane Jacobs (1984: 32) argued that cities, not nations, should be salient units for understanding the economic process. She wrote,
Nations are political and military entities, and so are blocs of nations. But it does not necessarily follow from this that they are also the basic, salient entities of economic life or that they are particularly useful for probing the mysteries of economic structure, the reason for rise and decline of wealth.
(Jacobs, 1984: 31)
But, will the development of communication system lead to the death of cities? Will the interneted, distanciated (Giddens, 1984: 377) and networked society (Castells, 1996) create a condition where spatial density and proximity will not be a necessary condition for innovation? However, Storper and Venables (2004) argue the âface-to-face contact remains central to coordination of the economyâ (p. 352), and thus one cannot do away with âspaceâ.
Cities are the primary source of iniquitous distribution of space. The fate of iniquitous spatial development has been conceptualized variously in economic theories. The neo-classical growth theorists like Kuznets and Williamson believed that ulti...