Intimacy and Ritual

A Study of Spiritualism, Medium and Groups

Vieda Skultans

• Publisher: Routledge
• Year: 2019
• Print ISBN:
  9780367338510
• eBook ISBN:
  9781000517507
• Topic: Theology & Religion
• Subtopic: Religion

Originally published in 1974 Intimacy and Ritual is a sympathetic study of spiritualist activities and their relation to the practitioners' secular lives. The book, in particular, looks at the therapeutic function of spiritualism. Based on the author's fieldwork as a 'participant observer' among spiritualists in a South Wales town, the research covers spiritualists services and meetings as well as interviews with spiritualists in their own homes. The book gives an accurate account of spiritualist doctrines and beliefs about the spirit world. The book postulates that spirit possession always relates to illness and shows how this is often the physical counterpart of social malaise. Throughout the study, spiritualism is seen in terms of the coping techniques and the rewards which it offers its members. The book shows that spiritualism is more highly regarded as a problem-solving source than the formal care-giving organizations, such as psychiatrist hospitals and the social work agencies. Healing activities are interpreted as a symbolic enactment of male and female roles ideally conceived, and spiritualist messages offer symbols and explanations of illness and misfortune.

Chapter 1
Introduction

This book is based on field-work carried out over a period of three years in South Wales. Being trained as a social anthropologist I became a ‘participant observer’ among spiritualists in a town which I call Welshtown. This involved attending spiritualist services and meetings as well as talking to spiritualists in their own homes and on the way to services. As a non-religious observer my aims were to provide as complete a description as possible of spiritualist activities and to relate these to the secular portion of their lives. Within this general aim is included the more specifically theological one of giving an accurate account of spiritualist doctrine and beliefs about the spirit world. As a participant I tried to understand at a more subjective level the rewards which spiritualism offers to its believers.

It is difficult to obtain an accurate figure of the total spiritualist population in Welshtown, because there is no formal acknowledgment of membership of a spiritualist church. I estimate that there are about four hundred, most of whom are working class. About three hundred are women, generally middle-aged and older. My general impression is that spiritualists are not newcomers to Welshtown but come from families long-established in South Wales.

I attended up to five meetings a week during the peak of my enthusiasm, but I never found this to be a chore. From the outset I made a point of explaining my role as researcher and observer. However, my research aims proved in no way to be an embarrassment or hindrance since all spiritualists consider themselves to be engaged in research in some measure. Thus my interest, as interpreted by spiritualists, did not make me significantly different from others, since all spiritualists consider that they are researching into the spirit world. Indeed, my initial self-conscious declaration of intent was soon forgotten and never referred to again.

Field-work was made enjoyable by the warm and unquestioning acceptance which I was given. Furthermore, I found myself readily able to identify with spiritualists. Their preoccupation with the privacy of pain, their experience of isolation and their anxieties about communication are intellectually interesting and emotionally intelligible. I do not look upon them as ‘seedy solipsists’ to use Samuel Beckett’s phrase describing the depressed Schubert. However, although their disaster-expectant outlook did not disturb me, I cannot accept their solutions or rejoice in their spiritual rewards. In this respect neither participation nor identification was complete, by which I mean that I am not myself a spiritualist. Although their sorrows did not depress me, their joys did.

The welcome and ready acceptance which I received was particularly strong in the developing circle, where I did most of my research. This circle meets weekly in a spiritualist church in the industrial outskirts of Welshtown. I gained entry to this circle through one of the members of a WEA class which I gave. This woman was a member of my class and also a long-established member of the circle. Through her I was introduced to the leader of the circle and subsequently granted full membership. Much of what I know about spiritualism was learnt from members of the circle, which is referred to throughout the book.

The ‘home’ or ‘developing’ circle is the most widespread and important form of spiritualist encounter. Both terms are literally descriptive. The former term refers to the group’s setting; the latter to its functions. Circles are run by mediums of long-standing and high reputation. The circle meets regularly, often in the home of the medium. Its aims are to develop the latent and nascent mediumistic powers of its members and thus to produce fully-fledged mediums. In view of its intimate setting the circle can be seen as a private rehearsal for the grand debut which takes place at a spiritualist service. This form of organization is a reflection of spiritualist ideology which has as one of its basic tenets the belief that everyone possesses psychic power in a latent if not fully developed form. (This belief is, of course, consistent with the fact that most people never develop their mediumistic potential at all.) Entrance to such circles is difficult to obtain. Frequently this is achieved by making one’s psychic gifts known publicly and especially to well-established mediums associated with the coveted circle. Continued and regular attendance is, it is thought, essential if good results are to be obtained. Developing circles should never be large and the optimum number is thought to be about twelve. One of the underlying premises of developing circles is that progress in mediumistic performance achieved by one member affects every other member of the group in a positive way.

Although there is a written tradition of thought about spiritualism and official doctrine is available at any one of the spiritualist headquarters, its influence at the local level is insignificant. Practice and belief seem to be determined by local needs and inspiration rather than by documentation from a central authority. This is explained in part by an explicit emphasis on individual inspiration and in part by an inherent weakness in organizational and co-ordinating abilities. This lack of influence of official doctrine is apparent in that few spiritualists are aware of which national organization, if any, their church belongs to; let alone do they know the doctrinal differences consequent upon such membership.

Religious beliefs and practices are learnt from other more developed mediums, usually in the context of the developing circle. In fact, there is a stigma attached to learning about spiritualism, especially mediumship and healing, from published material. The true path to spiritual power, as, indeed, to much therapeutic art, is through regular contact with, and encouragement from, a small number of more advanced adepts. Spiritualist women in Welshtown are frequently the daughters of spiritualist mediums. Thus first introduction to the movement takes place in childhood but a regular link is not established until later on in adulthood, usually after marriage.

Throughout this book spiritualism is seen in terms of the coping techniques and the rewards which it is able to offer its members. It therefore provides one example of Gerald Caplan’s notion of an ‘informal support system’ (1972) but such a description of spiritualism is incomplete without reference to other support systems which Welshtown is able to offer. The question to be borne in mind is: ‘What are the alternatives available to the traditionally feminine woman who is trying to cope with problems arising from or related to her role?’ By traditional feminine role I mean one whose activities are confined to being a housewife, mother and sexual partner, or, where this is not possible, as in the case of a spinster or barren married woman, where she nevertheless tries to approximate to this role.

It is not necessary to supply an exhaustive summary of the care-giving organizations in South Wales. Suffice it to say that formal organizations such as the psychiatric hospital and social work agencies are rarely considered as sources of problem-solving techniques, since, almost by definition, they imply total inadequacy and failure. Work, especially for the middle-aged, untrained woman who has spent a major part of her adult life rearing children and keeping house, is impossible to find. Furthermore, the cultural climate of South Wales is such that alternatives to the traditional feminine role do not receive the sanction of public approval. Work outside the home is seen as a means of augmenting the housekeeping money but rarely as an end in its own right creating new goals or as refurbishing an uncertain sense of self. Thus emotional problems are worked out within the confines imposed by the traditional feminine role. Indeed, this is where the contribution of spiritualism lies. For the weekly repetition of healing activities and the exchange of messages ‘from spirit’ constitute a ritual of reconciliation to a situation which does not permit any radical alternatives to itself. For more than half the women spiritualism had involved no ‘shopping around’ since their mothers had been spiritualists and had transmitted their interest to their daughters. For others, spiritualism had been arrived at after a long spiritual journey during which a number of different religious styles had been sampled, none of which had proved satisfactory. Only spiritualism had been found to give that quality of spiritual balm needed to make life palatable.

One of the problems which this book raises is that of cross-cultural comparison and definition. This problem has been referred to by loan Lewis (1966, p. 326) as that of trying to ‘classify and hold constant a range of similar symptoms which are dealt with in a wide diversity of institutionalized ways in different societies’. The lowest common denominator problem is one of establishing whether spirit possession has a core of critical characteristics, on the basis of which one can compare, for example, spirit possession cults in South Wales with spirit possession cults in Africa.

My assumption is that a cross-cultural definition of spirit possession can be supplied and that this consists of two key elements. Spirit possession always relates to illness : possession involves a degree of mental or physical incapacity. This incapacity can vary either according to the severity of the illness or according to its duration. The range of the severity of the illness varies from complete insanity at one end of the scale to mild physical disabilities, such as headaches and muscular pains, at the other. The duration of the illness may also vary widely. In rare cases the incapacity may be of long duration. More frequently, however, incapacity takes the form of temporarily felt or shared symptoms of the possessing spirit. Nevertheless, in all cases of spirit possession, a link of varying degrees of strength and duration exists between the possessed person and illness. The second element in spirit possession is the assumption of roles which in the ordinary way lie beyond the social repertoire of the possessed person, but whose assumption during possession is mystically sanctioned. Thus in Welshtown, spirit possession seances constitute a rehearsal of a wide-ranging number of roles by women who are otherwise only familiar with one role. For this reason it may be significant that developing circles are, in fact, circular in physical form. The circle encloses a central arena, a stage upon which the action or rehearsal can take place.

The dramatic and even theatrical aspects of spirit possession have frequently been remarked upon, but the full significance of this characterization, especially in its relation to illness, has not always been appreciated. The assumption of ordinarily inaccessible roles is not easy and even where such assumption is mystically sanctioned it is accompanied by illness. It may well be that women participants interpret spiritualist rehearsals as violating social boundaries and illness as the penalty which one pays for such transgression.

From the observer’s point of view, however, illness facilitates the assumption of other roles by removing responsibility and accountability from the individual. Sociologists see the ‘sick role’ as characterized by the exemption from normal social responsibilities (see Parsons, 1950, p. 436). Possession illness is positively sought out and its successful cultivation is seen as art. There is no obligation to get well; indeed, there is a positive injunction to cultivate illness. This is because illness creates a vacuum as far as the norms defining one’s customary obligations and responsibilities are concerned. It provides a niche into which new social roles can be introduced and in which they can be fostered.

A question frequently raised about spiritualism relates to the authenticity and sincerity of possession states. What proportion of such states are simulated? Regarding the genuine cases—what are the psychological requirements which facilitate trance and possession? Both questions are misplaced, for they ignore the social context in which possession occurs. How bodily sensations are identified and interpreted, and the importance which is attached to them will depend not upon the experiencing self or upon the intrinsic nature of the sensation, but upon the social interest expressed in particular sensations. Thus spiritualists are instructed not to ‘sit’ alone, but in circles under the guidance and leadership of an advanced medium. Sittings take place in semi-darkness so that members are not distracted by outward things but can direct their attention inwards. Instruction in mediumship involves attention to posture and breathing, as well as to the contents of the mind. When a state of suitable physical relaxation and mental calm has been achieved members are taught how to identify certain signs as indicative of possession. For example, sensations of heat or cold, tingling or throbbing may be interpreted as signs of the onset of possession. Thus possession does not require any prior peculiar state of mind but rather, membership of a social group in which detailed attention is given to bodily states and in which heightened awareness of such states allows them to be identified and defined in a special way. The spiritualist situation is remarkably similar to marijuana-smoking groups described by Jock Young (1971). Here, too, novices are urged not to smoke alone but in groups of more experienced smokers. Similarly, the bodily experiences induced by marijuana-smoking are thought to require interpretation and to be fully appreciated only if first identified for the novice by his more experienced colleagues.

If any extrinsic justification is needed to show the relevance of spiritualism to the mainstream of religious belief and practice then I would appeal to the widespread, if formally unacknowledged, belief in the spirit world and the possibility of communication with it. This is frequently expressed in such phrases as : ‘I don’t believe in meddling in it,’ or ‘think it’s best left alone.’ Such references to the dangers of communication with the spirit world also imply a tacit acknowledgment of its existence. However, not only do beliefs about the spirit world and mediumship exist at a general and implicit level, they are formally expressed within orthodox Christian thought. The publication of the Bishop of Exeter’s report on Exorcism (1972) indicates the central importance which spiritualist concepts occupy within both the Anglican and the Roman Catholic churches. Thus the widespread nature of spiritualist beliefs should counter the notion that they are in any way marginal or the exclusive interest of an extremist sect.

The sequence of presentation of the book follows the course of field-work and the development of my thoughts on the subject. Chapter 2 is an account of some of the earlier services attended together with a description of some spiritualist mediums. Chapter 3 gives an account of spiritualist beliefs and practices with special emphasis on the concern with illness both as this reflects epistemological preoccupations and as the physical counterpart of social malaise. Chapter 4 describes healing activities and sees them as rituals of reconciliation involving ideal representations of male and female roles and marital harmony. Chapter 5 describes the conflict between mediums and churches resulting from the competition for scarce spiritual rewards. Chapter 6 examines the way in which spiritualist messages offer relevant symbols and explanations of illness and misfortune, thereby providing conceptual tools for ordering experience. Chapter 7 examines alternative explanations and coping techniques. Similarities between religious and therapeutic groups are offered.

Finally, it needs to be stressed that my field-work was limited to the churches and circles in Welshtown and that the conclusions drawn do not aim to be representative of spiritualist belief and practice as such. No doubt some features of spiritualist meetings in Welshtown will be totally absent in south-east England and vice versa. Fictional names have been given to all places, churches and individuals.

Chapter 2
The actors

The nature of the movement in South Wales can be readily conveyed by describing a number of church services. These services were attended at the beginning of my period of field-work. They therefore convey my impressions of spiritualist activities in a form which is relatively uninfluenced by theoretical assumptions. The accounts of church services are followed by a description of three leading local mediums. Before the descriptions of services and mediums, however, an outline of the two churches needs to be sketched.

I have named the first church ‘Park Street’ and the second ‘King Street’. Park Street is very much a reception centre for new spiritualists. Significantly, messages are concerned with personal ailments and misfortunes. Of the two churches only Park Street provides a separate healing session once a week. For the present it is sufficient to note that pain and misfortune are the idiom in which an interest in spiritualism is first expressed. Messages tend to refer to physical disorders with little or no attempt at a deeper or more general understanding. The symbols appearing in messages are correspondingly trite, such as a bunch of flowers. However, judging by the numbers of new faces which continue to appear in Park Street, interest seldom continues to express itself solely as a preoccupation with bodily illness. The alternative provided by King Street is a staunch anti-male attitude, one which could be characterized as a ‘withdrawal from traditional feminine roles’ (Horton, 1969). King Street meetings follow a repetitive pattern, especially on Thursday afternoons. The meetings are taken by old Mrs Davies, a former member of the developing circle. These meetings are not concerned with physical ailments, although most members are old and ill. Possibly the nature and tone of meetings are influenced by the fact that attendance is exclusively female. Mrs Davies’s messages all refer to situations in which a harsh independent attitude is essential. She is repetitive, with a limited and well-worn vocabulary. For this reason it is difficult to remember the exact content of services. She says: ‘Don’t give an inch!’ ‘Don’t give no satisfaction!’ ‘Be stubborn! Be obstinate! Be yourself, no matter what others say!’ ‘Be free!’ ‘Be independent!’ ‘You’ll be up and they’ll be down!’ ‘Be secretive! Watch all, but say nothing! You’ll be laughing!’ For the most part such messages seem to be easily understood by the women to whom they are addressed.

Further alternatives to King Street and Park Street are provided by developing circles. Their small size encourages intimacy which in turn permits a detailed exploration of the problems of its members. Such exploration is not possible in the larger groups and simpler tactics are suggested as ways of dealing with problem situations.

The following descriptions of services and mediums were written in the course of field-work:

First service in Park Street (March 1969)

I sat at the back in a row of middle-aged women. There were about thirty-five present, mostly women. Three women on my right were discussing the case of a relative, who was seriously ill in hospital.

The service was presided over by Mr Dear...

Table of contents

• Cover
• Half Title
• Title Page
• Copyright Page
• Original Title Page
• Original Copyright Page
• Contents
• Preface
• Chapter 1 Introduction
• Chapter 2 The actors
• Chapter 3 Privacy and pain
• Chapter 4 Healing rituals
• Chapter 5 Church and circle
• Chapter 6 Symbol and explanation
• Chapter 7 Religious and therapeutic encounters
• Bibliography
• Index