Encyclopedia of the History of Arabic Science

Volume 3 Technology, Alchemy and Life Sciences

Roshdi Rashed

• Publisher: Routledge
• Year: 2019
• eBook ISBN: 9781134977239
• Edition: 1
• Topic: History
• Subtopic: Regional Studies
• Index: History

The Arabic contribution is fundamental to the history of science, mathematics and technology, but until now no single publication has offered an up-to-date synthesis of knowledge in this area. In three fully-illustrated volumes the Encyclopedia of the History of Arabic Science documents the history and philosophy of Arabic science from the earliest times to the present day. The set as a whole covers seven centuries. Thirty chapters, written by an international team of specialists from Europe, America, the Middle East and Russia cover such areas as astronomy, mathematics, music, engineering, nautical science and scientific institutions.

1
General survey of Arabic astronomy

RÉGIS MORELON

Interest in astronomy has been a constant feature of Arabic culture since the end of the second century ah (eighth century ad), and it is the quantity of study which strikes us first when we begin exploring this subject: the number of scientists who have worked on theoretical astronomy, the number of treatises which have been written in this field, the number of private or public observatories which have been successively active and the number of precise observations recorded there between the ninth and the fifteenth centuries.

This chapter is exclusively concerned with astronomy as an exact science, without considering the question of astrology. In fact, although the same authors sometimes wrote treatises in both disciplines, they never mixed purely astronomical reasoning and purely astrological reasoning in the same book and in most cases the titles of the works indicate unambiguously whether their contents relate to one discipline or the other.

The science of astronomy is chiefly defined by two terms: ilm al-falak, or ‘science of the celestial orb’, and ilm al-hay’α, or ‘science of the structure (of the universe)’; the second term can be translated in many cases as ‘cosmography’. In addition, many astronomical works are identified by the word zīj, a term of Persian origin corresponding to the Greek kanôn; in its proper sense it denotes collections of tables of motion for the stars, introduced by explanatory diagrams which enable their compilation; but it is also often used as a generic term for major astronomical treatises which include tables.¹

The astronomical term which is generally used to refer to the stars is kawkaby kawākib, while a word of similar meaning, najm, nujūm, has a more astrological connotation, and astrology is described with the aid of expressions based on the latter term: ūilm ahkâm al-nujūm, sinâāat al-nujūm, tanjīm …;² however, ilm al-nujūm, ‘the science of the stars’, can include both astronomy and astrology, as two different approaches to the same reality.³

In the Arabian peninsula, as in all of the ancient Near East, traditions of observing the heavens went back a very long way; one of these traditions is of particular note, having become well-known through its revival in what Arab astronomers called the Treatises on the Anwā’.

The term anwā’ is the plural of naw’; it describes a system of computation associated with observation of the heliacal risings and acronycal settings of certain groups of stars, permitting the division of the solar year into precise periods. The appearance of stars on the horizon at a given time of year was considered to be a sign of meteorological phenomena signalling a change of weather, so much so that the term naw’ acquired the meaning of rain or storm. A brief reminder of the heliacal risings and acronycal settings of the fixed stars is contained in Figure 1.1, which shows a rough projection on the prime vertical of the apparent trajectory of the sun.

Figure 1.1

AB is the line of the horizon and O is the position of the sun under the horizon before sunrise, so that a star at A, next to the ecliptic, is at the limit of visibility when it rises, and a star at B is at the limit of visibility when it sets, according to the luminosity of the sky on the horizon just before sunrise. This situation shows the heliacal rising of star A and the acronycal setting of star B. The next day, because of the ‘apparent movement of the sun’ (approximately one degree per day), the sun will be further away from the horizon when A and B are in the same situation, and these two stars will be more visible since the horizon will be less luminous. About six months later, A and B will have exchanged their positions and B will be rising with A setting.

Originally the observation of these phenomena for definite groups of stars allowed the solar year to be divided into fixed periods, probably twenty-eight in number. After the eighth century, under the influence of Indian tradition, this system of calculation became combined with that of the twenty-eight ‘lunar mansions’ (manāzil al-qamar), groups of fixed stars close to the ecliptic, delineating the zones of the sky in which the moon is found night by night during the lunar month. The Treatises on the Anwā’ which have been handed down – in written form from the ninth century -are like a series of almanacs giving the solar calendar dates for the heliacal risings and acronycal settings of stars which correspond to the lunar mansions, together with the meteorological phenomena that are traditionally associated with them. Under this system the year was divided into twenty-eight periods of thirteen or fourteen days.⁴

This ancient tradition, empirical in origin, was revived as a scientific procedure by Arab astronomers within the framework of their studies concerning the appearance and disappearance of stars on the horizon at the moment of the rising or setting of the sun, which were based in part on the Phaseis by Ptolemy, discussed below.⁵

Sources of Arabic Astronomy

The first scientific astronomical texts translated into Arabic in the eighth century were of Indian and Persian origin, and in the ninth century, Greek sources took precedence. We shall discuss them in chronological order, starting with texts in Greek.

Greek sources

Greek texts were of two types: ‘physical’ astronomy, in the old sense of the word, and ‘mathematical’ astronomy.

The aim of ‘physical’ astronomy was to arrive at a global physical representation of the universe by means of purely qualitative thought; this astronomy was dominated by the influence of Aristotle, with his coherent organization of the world into concentric moving spheres, ranging from a common centre, the earth, and stable at that point. The first celestial sphere was that of the moon – the sub-lunar world being one of generation and corruption, the supra-lunar world one of permanence and uniform circular motion, the only motion that could befit the perfection of the celestial bodies – while each star had its own sphere to move it, and so on out to the sphere of the fixed stars which enclosed the universe.

‘Mathematical’ astronomy sought a purely theoretical, geometrical representation of the universe, based on precise numerical observations, disregarding if necessary its compatibility with a coherent world of the ‘physical’ type: to find the geometrical parametric models capable of accounting for measured celestial phenomena, enabling the calculation of the position of the stars at a given moment and the compilation of tables of their movements.

The history of ancient scientific astronomy is built in part on the tension between these two approaches to the same science.

‘Mathematical’ astronomy developed within the framework of Hellenistic astronomy – especially from the time of Hipparchus (fl. 160-126 BC), adapting the work of Apollonius from the previous century – but it was the work of Ptolemy in the second century ad which represented its crowning achievement in the Greek language.

Ptolemy is the scientist whose works have been the most studied, revised, commented on and criticized by later astronomers, until the seventeenth century. His four works on astronomy, in the order of their composition, are the Almagest, the Planetary Hypotheses, the Phaseis and the Handy Tables. The first two are the most important.

The Almagest, or Great Mathematical Compendium, handed down in the original Greek and in several Arabic translations, is regarded as the standard manual, which has served astronomy in the same way as Euclid’s Elements served mathematics. Suffice it to say that within this monumental work of thirteen volumes Ptolemy synthesized the research of his predecessors, modifying it according to his own observations, and refining the old geometrical models or creating others. It was no accident that the word ‘mathematical’ was included in the title of the work, because Ptolemy made little reference therein to the ‘physical’ situation of the universe, even though he took this implicitly into account; he established and detailed the geometrical procedures capable of accounting for observed phenomena, on the basis of two postulates of ancient astronomy: the earth is stable at the centre of the world, and all celestial motion must be explained by a combination of uniform circular movements. He defined his method thus:

• 1 To collect the greatest possible number of precise observations
• 2 To identify anomalies in the movements thus observed in relation to uniform circular motion
• 3 To determine experimentally the laws governing the periods and the magnitudes of the anomalies
• 4 To combine uniform circular motions with the aid of concentric or eccentric circles and epicycles to account for the observed phenomena
• 5 To calculate the parameters of these movements in order to compose tables for calculating the positions of stars.

Ptolemy’s method was therefore defined very precisely, but his desire to ‘save the phenomena’ led him in practice to infringe certain of his basic principles and to allow empiricism to intrude on some of his demonstrations, as he states himself in the last volume of his work: ‘Each of us must endeavour to make the simplest hypotheses agree with the celestial movements as best he can, but if this is not possible he must adopt the hypotheses which fit the facts’.

Figure 1.2

Ptolemy based the research for his geometrical models on work carried out by Hipparchus – drawing in turn from Apollonius – when he had developed the system of epicycles and eccentrics. Let the earth be stationary at T, the position of the observer. In the simple eccentric system (Figure 1.2(a)) a star at M travels on the circle MAP in uniform circular motion about the centre O, but the observer notices a different apparent speed when the star is at the apogee A or the perigee P. This geometric model can be applied to account for the apparent movement of the sun. In the simple epicycle system (Figure 1.2(b)), we imagine the observer at T, the centre of a circle CDF (the deferent), on which there travels a small circle with centre C (the epicycle), on the circumference of which moves a star M, the two circular motions being uniform and the angular speed of the centre C corresponding to the mean motion of the planet. This epicycle system, like that of the eccentric, can explain the difference in distance to the earth, but, above all, it can account for the apparent retrograde motion of the planets in a much more convincing way than a pure system of concentric physical spheres: when the planet is at P and its apparent angular speed on the epicycle is greater than that of C, it has an apparent retrograde motion; on the other hand, when it is at A, the two speeds sum and, to the observer at T, it appears to move faster than C.

This system of epicycles is very versatile and lends itself to a more complex combination of the elements concerned: the deferent CDF can be considered as eccentric with respect to the earth (Figure 1.2(c)), and makes in its turn a circular movement around T. One can thus arrive at highly complicated models, such as that of the moon or Mercury. For the larger planets (Mars, Jupiter, Saturn), Ptolemy takes an eccentric deferent CDF, with centre O, with the observer still situated at T, but he asserts that the uniform motion of the centre C of the epicycle is not around O but around the point E such that O is in the middle of TE; the point E is called the ‘equant point’. This expedient leads to a better agreement between the theoretical model and the observations but contradicts the basic principle of uniform circular motion.⁶

It is thus possible to find the position of different planets in the heavens; it only requires calculation, based on observations, of the different parameters in each case: eccentricities, relative size of the radii, and angular velocities on the different circles.

The Planetary Hypotheses has been preserved partly in Greek (a little less than a quarter of the work) but there is a complete Arabic version.⁷ It is much shorter than the Almagest, and its general tone is very different. First, Ptolemy calculates the maximum and minimum distances of the stars in terms of the data in the Almagest and thus divides the universe into concentric zones, each corresponding to the area in which a given star...

Table of contents

• Cover
• Half Title
• Title
• Copyright
• Contents
• Preface
• VOLUME 1
• VOLUME 2
• VOLUME 3
• Postface: approaches to the history of Arabic science
• Bibliography (Vol. 1)
• Bibliography (Vol. 2)
• Bibliography (Vol. 3)
• Index