Part I
TheravÄda as a historical construct
1
TheravÄda Buddhist civilizations and their modern formations
Juliane Schober and Steven Collins
Today, more than 150 million people around the world practice TheravÄda Buddhism, from Sri Lanka, Southeast Asia and Southwestern China to Vietnam, Indonesia, Nepal, among Dalits in India, and throughout diaspora networks in Europe, North America, and Australia. Buddhist practices such as merit making rituals have always been inseparable from the social formations that give rise to them, their authorizing discourses and the hegemonic relations they create. Traditionally, kings acted as patrons of Buddhist institutions and their power was understood as a reflection of moral practice (karma). Merit gained from sponsoring rituals was seen not only in future rewards, but also constructed the fabric of social and political relationships, particularly in traditional contexts. The social formations classical Buddhist kingdoms produced profoundly influenced this tradition in creating what Foucault described as dispositif, which is occasionally translated as āapparatus.ā He described his use of the term in the following way:
What Iām trying to pick out with this term is, firstly, a thoroughly heterogeneous ensemble consisting of discourses, institutions, architectural forms, regulatory decisions, laws, administrative measures, scientific statements, philosophical, moral and philanthropic propositionsāin short, the said as much as the unsaid. Such are the elements of the apparatus. The apparatus itself is the system of relations that can be established between these elements.1
In tracing the formative processes of a TheravÄda dispositif, we need to be attuned to the role of the Pali imaginaire as a lingua franca across time and social space, to the transmission, translation and interface with ethnic vernaculars and to the interactions of the Pali literature with various forms of cultural repertoires, performances, literacy, authorship and discursive authority. PÄli Buddhist textual traditions continue to influence the development of vernacular literatures and local practices in what are now the modern nation-states of mainland Southeast Asia and Sri Lanka. They contribute to a cultural discourse through which TheravÄda practices continue to be imagined among Buddhist communities and take on local and modern articulations in the rapidly changing contexts of globalization and digital mediation. In some ways, the similarities today among TheravÄda practices across time and space are more surprising than the spread of a literary imaginaire among an educated, multi-lingual elite in precolonial times. To consider how debates about modern TheravÄda Buddhism are authorized, the chapters in this collection explore some of the ways in which TheravÄda Buddhist civilizations have encountered modernity. Like all modern projects, this undertaking has a history.
The study of TheravÄda Buddhist civilizations
Since 2009, a group of initially twelve scholars (now twenty-one) has been engaged in study of TheravÄda Buddhism as a civilizational force across South and Southeast Asia. The TheravÄda Civilizations Project, a scholarly collaboration supported by the Henry Luce Foundation, facilitates an on-going interaction among these scholars that is multi-lingual, multi-sited and comparative. It is the kind of project that can only be undertaken by a group of scholars, whose productivity is far greater than the sum of its individual contributions. Through its sustained deliberations, the group2 has generated unique synergies and has come to understand each otherās work in ever more compelling ways. Our collaboration has opened up new spaces for asking particular research questions and, as we probed disciplinary boundaries and pushed thematic comparisons across regions, cultures, history and media, our conversations have also critically interrogated received scholarship on TheravÄda traditions.
The goal of our Project was not to compile a dictionary of TheravÄda Buddhism or map all its local articulations. Nor did we set out to reify some vision of a pure TheravÄda world. This recognition also intervenes against disciplinary approaches that attribute exceptional authority to some sources by asserting that āin my village, this practice ā¦ā or, similarly, that āThe Buddha said in my favorite sutta ā¦ā Understanding texts and other narratives as integral to a living literary imaginaire allowed us to revise our understanding of the role of the Saį¹
gha as gatekeepers of the Buddhist teachings (dhamma). Instead, we wanted to describe what diverse practices in different places and times might have in common, while asserting, from the start, the fact that there are continuities and differences, inflected by local histories, diverse practices and vernacular languages that together give rise to specific TheravÄda social formations.3
Because thematic research is inherently interdisciplinary, comparative and multi-sited, our collaborations also changed how we construct TheravÄda studies and frame inquires, indeed, how the study of TheravÄda defines its subject. In the course of the project, we came to rethink scholarly approaches to the field of TheravÄda studies and its subject, TheravÄda practicesāboth of which are undergoing major transitions. Our project thus came to engage several trajectories, involving, on the one hand, a collaboration of scholars drawn from multiple disciplines, the humanities and social sciences, including history, anthropology, ethnography and studies of Pali and vernacular literatures; and on the other, searching for new ways to explain local and cultural diversity in the TheravÄda repertoire, a concept Justin McDaniel (2011) employs, following Ann Swidler (1986).
Looking back, it seems that we started the Project with far greater certainty about what constitutes āTheravÄdaā than many of us might assert today. Moving away from essentializing notions as āthe original word of the Buddhaā found in the Pali ācanonā we came to see that various evolving traditions are construed by communities to be the pristine teachings of the Buddha. Little of what we call today TheravÄda Buddhism was likely part of the āDoctrines of the Eldersā or āoriginal Buddhism.ā If, as Steven Collins reminds us in Chapter 2, we know little about the history of Buddhism prior to AÅoka, we must concede that a TheravÄdin understanding of Buddhism during its formative period is constructed primarily in mythic terms. An important focus of our work was rooted in the effort to historicize what Foucault referred to by the word dispositif, namely those genealogies and traces of civilization that allow us to map out āthe particular and historically imbedded inclinations in the normative network of social reality ⦠the history of government, [and] the articulation and examination of our contemporary and historical and social reality.ā Foucault states that the dispositif stands for āprecisely the nature of the connection that can exist between these heterogeneous elements.ā4 Important conceptual questions about how to define the subject of TheravÄda studies emerged from these considerations. How we can move from the universal to the local and how can we move from individual narratives to social and intellectual formations that shaped communities and civilizations? Generalizing from an individual life story to broader cultural trends often requires extensive study of contexts to be compelling. How do we avoid the dangers of extrapolating too much from particular narratives, individual lives, or from textual debates? What can be compared across TheravÄda civilizations and how can we describe those phenomena as they are refracted in individual lives?
These questions forced us to explore interdisciplinary collaborations to extract new readings of our textual, ethnographic and aesthetic sources. As project participants worked to rethink the subject of our studyāTheravÄdaāacross national, linguistic, ethnic and social boundaries, we also wanted to make explicit how themes in the Pali imaginaire come to be articulated locally. As our initial perspectives changed, new concerns emerged about translation, about readings of text and context, shifts between Pali and vernacular languages, and about the construction of meaning and its social relevance. By tracing genealogies of practice and disciplines in Buddhist lives, we uncovered a new vocabulary that is cognizant of the range of TheravÄda articulations across cultures, histories, and literary imaginaires. Given that theorizing links between TheravÄda practice, text and history is wrought with complexities, we worked to develop a new language to capture shared premises to re-think how and what we study. We are preparing to publish future volumes on the life of the Buddha and on themes in the study of TheravÄda civilizations.
The Pali imaginaire: texts and civilization
Talal Asad reminds us that religious ideas and practices are inseparable from the social context in which they emerge.5 Religion is, after all, a product of human imagination. By the same token, Buddhist discourse and practice draw upon the repertoire of the Pali imaginaireāabout cultural narratives recounted in emic terms like Buddha, bhÄvanÄ, nibbÄna, dhÄtu, kusala, dÄna, sÄsana, Saį¹
gha, paramparÄ, vaį¹sa and so onāto create cultural meaning in particular social formations and hegemonies. For the purposes of this Project, ācivilizationā denotes not an essentialized classic model of refinement, but rather the generative iterations of open-ended Pali discourses, practices, disciplines and sensibilities to construct a meaningful reality across a multiethnic, social and historical geography. The study of TheravÄda Civilizations encompasses a literary tradition in Pali that Steven Collins has termed the PÄli imaginaire that embodies literatures and histories that are much older than the term āTheravÄdaā itself. It inspired particular forms of civilization, hegemonic kingdoms, religious institutions, practices and aesthetics for more than a millennium. Indeed, Benedict Anderson singled out PÄli is one of the languages that exemplifies a trans-local imagining of regional communities prior to the advent of print capitalism and modern nationalism.6 As we trace these genealogies of knowledge, practice and sensibilities through time and space, we come to historicize the dispositif, those traces and technologies that form enduring formations and institutions.
Our discussions have focused on core themes, such as conceptions of the Buddhist world (sÄsana) and history (vaį¹sa) and we compare such TheravÄdin iterations across different cultural and historical contexts. Indeed, to trace and account for family resemblances can be more vexing than acknowledging variations in practice and discourse. Through these discourses, sentimentalities, practices and social formations TheravÄdins construct an understanding of sÄsana that profoundly shapes the world that they inhabitāsocially, intellectually and culturallyāwhere the Buddhaās presence is venerated and where past, present and future events are encompassed by a Buddhist framework of meaning. This is, after all, how the āreally realā is constituted through semiotic ideologies.7
SÄsana
Ritual and ethical practices such as gifting (dÄna) and giving oneās self though ordination are central tropes in the social reality TheravÄdins conceive of as sÄsana.8 Etymologically the term means to āorder,ā āinstruct,ā āteach,ā and the word can simply mean āa message.ā It can refer to a body of ideas (and texts) which claim to convey the Buddhaās teaching outside of any historical or material embodiment; in grammatical literature non-Buddhist grammarians (saddaāsattaāvidÅ«) are contrasted with those āof the Teaching (sÄsanika). It can also refer to just such a thing: monks and nuns āgo forthā into the Saį¹
gha (sÄsane pabbajjanti), it is a bounded entity with an inside and an outside (locative case sÄsane, āin the sÄsana,ā and the term bahÄ«ra, āousideā; on more than one occasion when a monastery is founded it is said that the roots of the Teacherās Institution have gone down (into the earth) (BuddhasÄsanassa mÅ«lÄni otiį¹į¹Äni). It continues its existence in time, as an ideology and through relics: the nirvana of the relics (when a Buddha finally disappears from space and time) is simultaneous with the disappearance of the sÄsana (sÄsanaāantaradhÄna).
Vaį¹sa
This TheravÄdin understanding of time linking events and locations creates a particular historical consciousness expressed in chronicles (vaį¹sa) and related genealogies of the Buddhist dispensation. Vaį¹sa literature is found throughout TheravÄdin civilizations and comprises a genre of chronicles that usually follow a similar often structure, whether they are composed in Pali or in vernacular languages. Often beginning eons ago with Gotama Buddhaās aspiration to Buddhahood as the ascetic Sumedha under the then-Buddha DÄ«paį¹
kara, or with the time of Gotama Buddha, they establish genealogies that link specific places, monastic lineages, reigns and sources of merit like Buddha images and pagodas to the wider Buddhist world. They convey particular TheravÄdin views of history and epistemologies in or derived from the Pali imaginaire, and project a specifically TheravÄdin causality to understanding the events of the past. The nineteenth-century Burmese chronicle sÄsanavaį¹sa, for instance, traces history from the time of Buddha to that of the Burmese kings, thus creating a narrative frame to explain the presence of his teachings in Burma and, by the same reasoning, making Burma part of the Buddhist world. Other chronicles recount royal and monastic lineages or the highly canonized biographies of foundational individuals. Royal and local chronicles often describe the hegemonic fields of merit of their patrons and affirm their patronās charisma, authenticity and authority. Contemporary scholarship recognizes local difference, cultural inflections and historical particulars which are recorded in dynastic chronicles by describing the triumphal narratives and patronage of righteous kings. Such literature illustrates the creative process of linking emblematic events in those narratives and locations with the lives and the places that have been celebrated by the presence of the Buddha. āThe interpretation of history,ā Berkwitz writes, āby Buddhists in Sri Lanka, is conditioned by the countryās collection of historical writings (vaį¹sa) and archeological sites that jointly speak to a past shaped by Buddhist kings and monks for a largely Buddhist public.ā9
Practices and technologies: disciplines of self
TheravÄda civilizations, of course, contain aspirations as well as facts and ideas, of which the most central is the ideal of the practice of the Middle Way (majjhimÄ paį¹ipadÄ), which refers to a restrained form of asceticism which is imagined to lead...