Introduction: Space, Place and Gendered Identities: feminist history and the spatial turn
Kathryne Beebe, Angela Davis and Kathryn Gleadle
In the last two decades, historians have increasingly sought to understand how environments, âbuiltâ and otherwise, architectural surroundings, landscapes, and conceptual âplacesâ and âspacesâ (the terms are not synonymous) have affected the nature and scope of political power, cultural production and social experience. The impact of JĂŒrgen Habermas (whose hugely influential work, The Structural Transformation of the Public Sphere, was translated into English in 1989) is readily apparent in historiansâ responses to these themes. Habermasâs attention to the ways in which the new urban spaces of eighteenth-century Britain created an oppositional counter-public was a defining text in encouraging historians to consider the precise significance of sites of cultural and political contestation.1 In a parallel development the perspectives encouraged by the ânew cultural geographyâ of the 1980s, which emphasized the relationships between space, place and the construction of identity led to a so-called âspatial turnâ across the humanities and social sciences.2 Feminist scholarship and historians of gender have played a full part in this âturnâ. They have recognized, as Linda McDowell has argued, that âthe mapping of a place or location onto gender identities has been a key part of the establishment and maintenance of womenâs position and is reflected in both the materiality and the symbolic representation of womenâs livesâ.3 The eighteenth annual Womenâs History Network conference convened at St Hildaâs College, Oxford, in September 2009, entitled âWomen, Gender & Political Spaces: historical perspectivesâ, invited closer examination of just these themes.
While for most of the 1970s and 1980s the concept of âplaceâ tended to be the domain of empirical historical geographers, David Harveyâs influential work in the 1980s, especially his The Limits to Capital (1982) and The Urbanization of Capital (1985), was formative in a âturnâ toward a concept of âspaceâ, rather than âplaceâ.4 In these works, Harvey drew upon a Marxist analysis to argue that space reflected commodity production; thus, class conflict was apparent in conflict over space. Through this more theoretical approach, both cultural geographers and others in the humanities gradually came to consider âspaceâ as somewhat removed from the old idea of a static geographical âplaceâ. Space was dynamic, constructed, and contested. It was where issues of sexuality, race, class, and genderâamongst a myriad of other power/knowledge strugglesâwere sited, created, and fought out.
Throughout the 1980s, as âplaceâ became increasingly problematized as âspaceâ, the concept of âplaceâ, as Tim Cresswell has suggested, became ânot simply an outcome of social processes⊠it was, once established, a tool in the creation, maintenance and transformation of relations of domination, oppression and exploitationâ.5 For the religious historian and cultural critic Michel de Certeau, âspace is a practiced placeâ.6 De Certeau also emphasized the spaces of âeveryday lifeâ, which has been particularly of interest to scholars writing history âfrom belowâ.7
Following the lead of cultural geographers, historians have begun to explore and mine the agency of âspaceâ in a range of historical contexts, especially in the fields of urban, architecturalâand most recentlyâpolitical history. Denis Cosgrove, particularly in his Social Formation and the Symbolic Landscape (1985) and in editorial collaboration with Stephen Daniels in The Iconography of Landscape (1988), influenced historiansâ view of the concept of âlandscapeâ, arguing that it could be âreadâ as a âtextâ representative of the relations of production and of power.8 For Cosgrove and Daniels, who like Harvey, employed a Marxist analysis to study the concept of âlandscapeâ, âlandscapeâ was âa âway of seeingâ that was bourgeois, individualist, and related to the exercise of powerâ.9 Yet this somewhat âpassiveâ view of âreadingâ landscape has been refined by a number of scholars who view âlandscapeâ, and its inhabitants, as having more agency than Cosgrove and Daniels suggest. For example, Beat KĂŒminâs 2009 collection, Political Space in Pre-Industrial Europe provides a careful delineation of the nuances of space/place as constructed sites of agency, and as nodes of the interaction of physical and mental relations, all at a specific geographical point.10 Recent considerations of the production of space have also addressed issues of belonging, exclusion and the creation and maintenance of boundaries.11 Boundaries have themselves been shown to be ambiguous, liminal spaces and remarkably permeable. These are insights which feminist scholars, including many of the contributors to this issue, have found particularly helpful in probing the complexities of gendered space.
Two decades ago now, Doreen Massey and Daphne Spain investigated the significance and construction of space and the ramifications of that understanding for our perceptions of gender.12 Yet, whereas Spain saw a fierce, reciprocal dichotomy between the âdefinitions of femininity and masculinityâ that were âconstructed in particular placesâmost notably the home, workplace, and communityâ a wealth of feminist scholarship has now problematized the utility of these stark binaries. As the work of feminist geographer Gillian Rose has demonstrated, spaces are âextraordinarily complicatedâ. Rose insists that âfeminist mapsâ are âmultiple and intersecting, provisional and shiftingâ.13 Anthropologists such as Setha Low and Denise Lawrence-Zuniga have further developed such an approach noting, in 2003, that âspatial analyses often neglect the body because of difficulties in resolving the dualism of the subjective and objective body, and distinctions between the material and representational aspects of body spaceâ. They argued instead for a concept of âembodied spaceâ that would unite these disjunctions and assert the âimportance of the body as a physical and biological entity, as lived experience, and as a centre of agency, a location for speaking and acting on the worldâ.14 Similarly, a generation of feminist historians has now developed sophisticated analyses that problematize the salience of the âseparate spheresâ. For example, in Architecture and the Politics of Gender in Early Modern Europe, Helen Hills explored âhow the social organization of womenâs and menâs bodies (sexual and otherwise), the institutions of family, class relationships, and religious and social regulation are defined by, relate to, and resist architectural discoursesâ.15 Likewise that same year (2003), Roxanne Mountford explored the âplacementâ of bodies, according to status and gender, within the ârhetorical spaceâ found in sacred locations.16 Moreover, as much as the study of space informs our understanding of gender, the inverse is also true. As Simon Gunn pointed out in 2001, âthe study of gender and sexuality reveals how public space is regulated by powerful norms, whose force resides partly in the fact that they are implicit, taken for grantedâ.17
The work of Michel Foucault and Henri Lefebvre lies behind many of the approaches and âspatial metaphorsâ18 that have been employed by historians working in this field and the contributions to this issue are no exception.19 It is therefore worth exploring some of their key insights first.
Michel Foucault
In 1976 Foucault was interviewed by the French Marxist geography journal HĂ©rodote. The editors remarked with some surprise that Foucaultâs work seemed to have been âconstantly bordering on geography without ever taking it explicitly into accountâ.20 At the end of the HĂ©rodote interview, Foucault himself admitted that the conversation had changed his thinking. He now saw that âgeography acted as the support, the condition of possibility for the passage between a series of factors I tried to relateâ.21 These factorsâthe analysis of how power actually operates in society; and what Foucaultâs 1984 editor Paul Rabinow termed âdividing practicesâ, âscientific classificationâ, and âsubjectificationââi...