Islamic Environmentalism

Activism in the United States and Great Britain

Rosemary Hancock

• Publisher: Taylor & Francis
• Year: 2017
• eBook ISBN: 9781134865505
• Edition: 1
• Topic: Social Sciences
• Subtopic: Sociology
• Index: Social Sciences

Islamic Environmentalism examines Muslim involvement in environmentalism in the United States and Great Britain. The book focuses upon Muslim activists and Islamic organizations that approach environmentalism as a religious duty: offering environmental readings of Islamic scriptures, and integrating religious ritual and practice with environmental action.

Honing in on the insights of social movement theory, Hancock predominantly examines the activism and experience of Muslims involved in environmentalism and bases her research on interviews with activists in the United States and Great Britain. Indeed, the reader is first provided with an insightful analysis of the ways in which Muslim activists interpret and present environmentalism—diagnosing causes of environmental crises, proposing solutions, and motivating other Muslims into activism. This is followed by a discussion of the importance of affective ties, emotion and group culture in motivating and sustaining Muslim involvement in environmental activism.

A timely volume which draws attention to the synthesis of political activism and religious practice amongst Muslim environmentalists, this book will be of interest to undergraduates, postgraduates and postdoctoral researchers interested in fields such as Islamic Studies, Sociology of Religion, Social Movement Theory and Environmental Studies.

1 Introduction

Assuredly the creation of the heavens and the earth is a greater (matter) than the creation of men: Yet most men understand not.

(Qur’ān, 40.57)¹

Corruption has flourished on land and sea as a result of people’s actions and He will make them taste the consequences of some of their own actions so that they may turn back.

(Qur’ān, 30:41)

Environmental activists are well-known for their savvy use of media and publicity. Chaining themselves to trees, blockading railway lines, boarding oil rigs and ships, hanging banners from landmarks – environmental direct action is no stranger to newspaper headlines and news bulletins. In November 2005, The Guardian UK published another story detailing an environmental protest. Activists wearing snorkels and flippers in the centre of London’s Brick Lane demonstrated for awareness of the effects of climate change. This protest was small and tame compared to the daring and dangerous actions performed by groups like Greenpeace. What made it newsworthy were the activists themselves: all were Muslims and members of an explicitly Islamic environmental group. Under the snorkels, two of the activists were women wearing hijāb – the Islamic headscarf. Brick Lane is in an area of London with a large concentration of South Asian migrants – it is famous for Bangladeshi and Indian restaurants. The protest aimed to draw attention to the effect rising sea levels will have on low-lying Bangladesh.

Coverage of the protest by The Guardian was significant – we are accustomed to seeing Islamic activists in the media, but invariably, those activists are religious extremists or members of violent terror groups. A Muslim environmentalist seems, in this light, to be a contradiction in terms: common stereotypes would have us believe environmentalists are politically and socially progressive, in contrast to the assumption that Muslims are conservative (if not outright regressive). Assumptions such as these misrepresent Muslims (and I might add, environmentalists). Some Muslims do indeed choose to interpret their religion to support violent politically motivated acts. Yet others, like the environmentalists in Brick Lane, mobilise Islam in support of progressive causes.

Islam is not a ‘singular and undifferentiated religion’ (Mandaville 2001, xi) – there is significant regional and cultural variation, differences between sects and between the schools of jurisprudence within these sects. We use the words ‘Islam’ or ‘Islamic’ to describe a wide variety of symbols, narratives, and rituals that are in some way imbued with religious significance for Muslims. Yet, we cannot assume there is one cohesive religion or religious tradition from which these symbols, narratives, and rituals emerged. Similarly, Muslims themselves are not one homogenous community, and there is no fixed way to be ‘Muslim’. In this book ‘Muslim’ refers to those who self-identify as such – it does not reflect adherence to any particular set of doctrinal beliefs, schools of law, or orthodox practices. In taking this route I emphasise ‘Muslim subjectivity’ over any pre-determined or essentialised ‘Muslim identity’ (Mandaville 2001, 2).

Environmentalism, too, is not one homogenous movement. Radical movements such as EarthFirst! or the Earth Liberation Front appear to have little in common with neighbourhood tree-planting groups. Where some environmentalists preach for radical social, political, and economic change, others may retreat to eco-communities. Still others may believe that using energy-efficient lightbulbs, bio-fuels, and recycling is enough to address environmental crises. If there is a core set of beliefs held in common across the environmental movement it is, arguably, that (i) there are significant environmental problems, (ii) that humankind has some responsibility for causing these problems and (iii) we have a responsibility to solve the problems. Subscribing to these basic claims is sufficient to call oneself an ‘environmentalist’. Thus, environmentalists are found in conservative political parties and in industrial manufacturing companies, as well as in grassroots social movements or nature groups.

While we may not usually associate Islam with environmentalism, this book demonstrates how a small group of activists synthesise environmental belief with their Islamic faith. In the lives of these environmentalists, Islamic practice and environmental activism become inextricably intertwined. Indeed, Muslim environmentalists speak of a ‘conversion’ to environmentalism – once they see environmentalism within Islamic scripture and traditions, it is impossible to separate the two. A central claim of this book is that the distinction usually made between the ‘political’ and ‘religious’, although analytically useful, does not in fact represent the lived experience of Muslim environmentalists or religious people more generally. Muslim environmentalists do not ‘co-opt’ religion into their activism to serve environmental goals, as most social movement theory portrays. Rather, they incorporate religious ritual, symbolism, and narrative into their activism in such a way that activism becomes religious practice. The activists are simultaneously Muslims and environmentalists, and the relationship between their Islamic faith and environmental activism is symbiotic: environmental and religious goals are so well integrated that, in many cases, they are indistinguishable.

Environmentalism is, admittedly, a marginal concern in most Muslim communities. Muzammal Hussain, organiser of the Brick Lane protest, told The Guardian that environmentalism ‘is a bit of an uphill struggle … there is a lot more receptivity [amongst Muslims] than before, but there is also a sense of frustration that the mosques and imams could do a lot more and are not getting the message out more’ (Hussain in Vidal 2005). Part of Hussain’s frustration stems from his recognition that Islamic leaders could be hugely influential in encouraging environmentalism. ‘When an imam does give a Friday sermon on the environment, it always goes down well’ (Hussain in Vidal 2005).

It is this mobilising potential of religion that makes Islamic environmentalism an important area of study for students of social movements. Religious groups and institutions are powerful organising forces, yet their potential as a foundation for social movements and social change has received only partial recognition in the social sciences – mostly in the last two decades. Social movement theorists have not studied ‘Islamic’ environmental activism extensively, and studies of the global environmental movement outside social movement theory have also, by and large, neglected Muslim involvement. Further, within scholarly literature on global Islam, environmentalism is rarely addressed.

There are a handful of small-scale sociological studies of Islamic environmentalism examining: the incorporation of environmental readings of Islamic scripture into Turkish Islamists groups’ theological and organisational frameworks (Erdur 1997); the environmental agendas of the radical Islamist groups Hizb’allah, Hizb ut-Tahrir, Hamas, the Muslim Brotherhood, Jamaat-e-Islami and al Qaeda (Karagiannis 2005); and gender-based analyses of Muslim women’s environmental beliefs and activities in the United States (Vasi 2008) and Great Britain (DeHanas 2010). Albrecht’s (2011) examination of Islamic environmentalism in the United States focuses on the development of a distinct ‘Muslim American Environmental Ethic’ and argues participation in environmentalism creates greater social and political inclusion for Muslim Americans. Gilliat-Ray and Bryant’s (Gilliat-Ray and Bryant 2011) survey of Islamic environmentalism in Great Britain emphasises environmentalism is a marginal concern in the British Muslim community, and they highlight the struggle Islamic environmental groups face in recruiting and maintaining membership – conclusions borne out by this study.

Of the remaining literature on Islamic environmentalism, the vast majority is written by Muslims, with a Muslim audience in mind. Rather than academic studies, these books are usually highly practical and educational – written with the intention of educating Muslims on the potential of Islam to be environmental and focused on the analysis and interpretation of Islamic scriptures and traditions through an environmental lens. Some of these books, such as Abdul-Matin’s Green Deen: What Islam Teaches About Protecting the Planet, have been very successful and well-received in Muslim communities. Seyyed Hossein Nasr, an American-Iranian philosopher, has spent his career writing on the relationship of humankind to nature invoking a distinctly ‘Islamic’ environmental worldview. I discuss the literature written by Muslims on environmentalism in greater depth in Chapter 3.

As environmentalism is still a marginal issue within most Muslim communities in the United States and Great Britain, much of the work undertaken by Muslim activists is educational: teaching Muslims about environmentalism in Islam and about how to be more environmentally responsible. Although Muslim environmentalists sometimes draw on national identity to try and spark interest in environmentalism – the Brick Lane climate change protest targeted the (predominantly Muslim) Bangladeshi community deliberately – in general, most Islamic environmental groups draw on the Muslim identity and their religious tradition to motivate Muslims. As Muslim communities are diverse in terms of ethnicity, nationality, education – not to mention ideological or political commitments – the power of Islam to bind people together above their differences is of vital importance. In doing this, Muslim environmentalists construct what Bayat (2005, 901) calls an ‘imagined solidarity’, where solidarity is achieved ‘not simply by actors’ real understanding of their shared interests but also by their imagining commonality with others’.

Considering the small number of Muslim environmentalists and the struggles faced by Islamic environmental groups to sustain an active membership, it is interesting to examine and understand the processes by which Muslims are drawn into environmental activism. The activists in this study are mobilised through (i) affective ties to friends, romantic partners, and charismatic leaders and (ii) due to a strong sense of religious duty that stems from a very particular, environmental understanding of Islamic scripture and practice. Further, I contend the Islamic environmental organisations in this study demonstrate the importance of ‘group culture’ in sustaining activism, those organisations that successfully create a rich organisational culture – where activists emotionally invest in the group, are actively involved in the running and strategic planning of the organisations, and continually negotiate collective identity through ongoing participation – are the organisations that have been the most successful in attracting committed activists.

Methodology

A central question for this book was to examine the relationship between Islamic faith and practice and environmental activism for Muslim environmentalists. It is the importance of this question that led to my decision to study Islamic environmentalism as it occurred in the United States and Great Britain, and not in the more traditional Islamic world. For even the briefest examination will show the most prominent Muslim authors writing on the environment, and most of the explicitly ‘Islamic’ environmental groups, operate from the Muslim diaspora. Why are religiously motivated environmentalists more prominent in the diaspora than in the Islamic world? There are a number of possible answers: some would assert that in developing nations, environmentalism is not as central a concern as, say, the provision of basic necessities; others argue that the more restrictive political climate in these countries is a deterrent to most political activism. Neither of these claims entirely convince me – environmental movements are prominent in many developing countries (India, in particular, has a strong indigenous environmental movement), and it is not environmentalism that is difficult to locate in the Islamic world, but religiously motivated environmentalism; meanwhile, the events of the long Arab Spring clearly demonstrate the active climate of political organising in the Middle East. Instead, I contend that Muslims living in Muslim majority countries assume their local customs and norms are inherently Islamic – they do not feel it necessary to actively question how their faith relates to daily activities. On the other hand, Muslims living in minority communities in the Diaspora are forced, day in and day out, to grapple with how the demands of their faith can be reconciled with the predominant (non-Islamic) social and cultural norms. Thus, they are far more likely to consider the religious implications of any involvement they may have in environmental (or any other kind of) activism.

The research underpinning this book was conducted between May 2012 and July 2013 and includes interviews conducted with Muslim environmentalists from six Islamic environmental organisations in the United States and Great Britain (as well as a few independent activists) and textual data from the organisations’ websites, newsletters, and (in some cases) internal documents. I identified the organisations by searching online – in full awareness that this limited my sample to those groups with an online presence. But as Hanna (2013, 367) notes, ‘contemporary movements almost invariably incorporate online tools into their tactical repertoires’. A problem with searching for environmental groups online is that there is no ‘population list’ – no way of knowing whether or not I have found all the relevant groups and activists and whether the sample I select is therefore representative of a broader group. I was informed in my methodology for this search by Earl (2013, 402), who argues,

While it is impossible, even for companies as large and well-resourced as Google or Microsoft, to [catalogue] all Web-based material, it is possible to identify the set of sites that an average user could be at risk for finding online without having a direct URL … search engines such as Google can be used for repetitive and overlapping searches that, when concatenated, produce a population of reachable sites that can be used as a comprehensive sampling frame.

I relied on snowball sampling in my selection of interviewees, using the founders or leaders of each Islamic environmental group as gatekeepers to their members. Locating activists through organisations is, in itself, a limited sampling method. Many studies of social movements have been justly criticised for their over-emphasis on formal social movement organisations, to the detriment of activism occurring independently and outside the domain of organisations (Earl 2013, 393; Taylor 1998, 374). However, I wanted to find Muslims who were committed to environmental activism in an ongoing manner – not merely involved in a one-off project. Using organisations, then, was a way of controlling the sample. People who were associated with or members of formal organisations were likely to be committed to environmentalism in an ongoing fashion. I did not limit the study to only activists who were formal members of Islamic environmental organisations – in any case, the nature of all the organisations in this study is such that ‘membership’ is very fluid and informal. The organisations were, however, invaluable in identifying a population of activists from which to sample as well as supplying a stock of textual data.

Further, environmental activism is still a marginal activity amongst Muslims, and the membership of ‘Islamic’ environmental groups is very small. There is, quite simply, a very limited pool of activists to select from, and most activists either know one another or have heard of the other organisations. Finally, in this type of semi-structured interview study, the participants are selected deliberately – ‘purposive sampling’ – for their experience in social movement activism, rather than trying to select a random sample that is representative of a larger population (Blee and Taylor 2002, 100).

Using both the textual data and semi-structured qualitative interviews allowed me to gather data that was suitably rich and deep. Blee and Taylor (2002, 92–3) write that the semi-structured interview provides ‘greater breadth and depth of information, the opportunity to discover the respondent’s experience and interpretation of reality, and access to people’s ideas, and memories in their own words’. Documentary evidence – often in the form of newspaper articles, but also internal organisational documents – is a common data source for social movement researchers (Hug and Wisler 1998), yet these sources are inherently biased: internal organisational documents are almost certainly ‘produced by official leaders and those who are articulate, educated, and confident about the historic importance of their movement activities’ (Blee and Taylor 2002, 93). Meanwhile, media sources are selective in their reporting of social movement activities: for example, newspap...

Table of contents

• Cover
• Title
• Copyright
• Contents
• Preface
• Acknowledgements
• 1 Introduction
• 2 The environmental movement: history, activism, and philosophy
• 3 Islam: the context
• 4 Muslims and environmentalism: the wider field
• 5 Framing in Islamic environmental organisations
• 6 Emotion and identity in Islamic environmentalism
• 7 Activism, moral practice, and religion
• 8 Conclusion
• Appendix: Islamic environmental organisations
• Index