Szasz and I met in 1964 when he was a Professor of Psychiatry at Syracuse Universityâs Department of Psychiatry, chaired by Marc Hollender, MD., and I, a resident in psychiatry at Strong Memorial Hospital in Rochester, New York and the Rochester University Department of Psychiatry, founded by Distinguished Professor and Chairman Dr. John Romano, who was not an analyst, even though in the 1940s he had been a fellow in psychoanalysis in Boston together with Charles Brenner.
Some Personal Memories
Here are the events that led to my encounter with Szasz. After graduating as an MD from the Hebrew University Hadassah Medical School in Jerusalem in 1960, during my subsequent internship at Beilinson Hospital, I met Dr. Roy Waldman from Long Beach, NY and we became friends. He suggested I take the American foreign graduate examination (ECFMG) in case I would decide one day to study psychiatry in the United States. It happened sooner than I imagined. I took the exam and applied to a number of Eastern residency training programs. While awaiting the decision I spent nine months as resident in psychiatry at the Talbieh Psychiatric Hospital in Jerusalem led by Professor Heinrich Winnick, noted psychiatrist and psychoanalyst. I recall him saying that in America, to be somebody in psychiatry you had to be an analyst. At Talbieh I worked in a closed female ward, did not attend any courses, and scored some successes treating my women patients with common sense and empathy which my chief attributed to beginnersâ luck.
Before settling down in Rochester I spent some days with the Waldmans in Syracuse, where Roy was already a politically active second year resident in psychiatry (see Schaler, 2004, p. 395). I continued to visit Roy who introduced me to Szaszâs ideas. One day I attended a teaching session led by Szasz and met him in person and in time the encounter blossomed into a friendship.
Meeting Szasz in Syracuse was a mind-blowing experience for me, compared with the traditional psychiatric atmosphere in Rochester. Older Rochester psychiatrists and analysts seemed to espouse ideas similar to Szasz, for example, Chicago trained Gordon Pleune (1965). Despite John Romanoâs distancing himself from psychoanalysis after a sabbatical in England, psychoanalytic teaching was still strong in the Department even as it was now veering toward community psychiatry and actuarial research. Faculty members pursuing analytic training were analyzed by one of the two analysts in town, Sandor Feldman or Sidney Rubin, and shuttled on weekends to the Downstate Institute in Brooklyn to attend courses.
Another wonderful teacher was George L. Engel, a physician but not a psychiatrist, who was also trained in Chicago. He was a master at interviewing medical patients with a free-associative technique first described by Felix Deutsch. Engelâs likening the so-called hystericâs behavior to the game of charades was in keeping with Szaszâs game theory analysis of such conduct but there was no love lost between them (see the remark by Szasz about Engel in Schaler, p. 49). Otherwise, starting with John Romano down, everybody was hostile to and suspicious of Szaszâs ideas about psychiatry. Thus one of the chief residents, Dr. Frederick Glaser (1965), acted as mouthpiece of this opposition discussing Szaszâs 1963 book Law, Liberty, and Psychiatry:
The dialectic of law and psychiatry is hardly a closed issue, and certain of Dr. Szaszâs points will have to be taken into account, at least, if a more satisfactory synthesis is to be achieved. One of the saddening aspects of his present book is that, because its strident tone, the baby may be lost in the bathwater. Many may, in their reaction to the excremental vision of American psychiatry, completely discount everything he has to say. . . . The question will inevitably be raised whether sanctions of some form ought to be taken against Dr. Szasz, not only because of the content of his views but because of the manner in which he presents them. He has not chosen to limit his discussion to professional circles, as his magazine article (not the first that he has written) testifies. In fact, he announces in the preface of his book that such dissemination is a part of his program, in a manner which seems to enjoin the raising of the standard of revolt (iâviii): âthe book is addressed not only to lawyers, psychiatrists, and social scientists but also to intelligent laymen. Indeed the last may find it especially useful, for organized psychiatry poses a much graver threat to him than it does to the professionals.â Certain it is that Dr. Szaszâs writings will have devastating effects. (p. 1073)
I am not aware that such stones were ever thrown at any other American critic of psychiatry. Canadian-American sociologist Erving Goffman (not mentioned by Glaser) published his most famous book Asylums in 1961, the same year as Szaszâs The Myth of Mental Illness. Also influential, in Europe, more than in the United States, were the 1961 Michel Foucaultâs Folie et deraison. Histoire de la folie a lâage classique (madness and civilization in the age of reason) and the 1969 Klaus Dörnerâs BĂŒrger und Irre Zur Sozialgeschichte und Wissenschaftssoziologie der Psychiatrie (madman and bourgeois: A social science oriented history of psychiatry). Goffman tellingly characterized the asylums as a âtotal institutionsâ of which there were âfive groupingsâ:
[1] Institutions established to care for persons felt to be incapable and harmless, these are the homes for the blind; [2] to care for persons felt to be incapable . . . and a threat to the community, albeit an unintended one . . . TB sanitaria, mental hospitals, and leprosaria; [3] organized to protect the community against what are felt to be intentional dangers to it: jails, penitentiaries, P.O.W. camps, and concentration camps; [4] institutions [for] for some worklike task . . . : army barracks, ships, boarding schools, work camps . . . ; [5] retreats from the world . . . : abbeys, monasteries, convents, and other cloisters . . . a classification not neat or exhaustive. (pp. 4â5)
Szaszâs use of the word myth produced seismic shocks but did not devastate psychiatry. And we shouldnât fault Szasz for having used a provocative title to call attention to his ideas seeing how he imitated Freud having shocked his Viennese colleagues presenting cases of male hysteria or calling an infantâs sucking at the breast sexual. Concerning myths, Freud wrote in 1933 responding to Einstein: âIt may perhaps seem to you as though our theories are a kind of mythology and, in the present case, not even an agreeable one. But does not every science come in the end to a kind of mythology like this? Cannot the same be said to-day of your own Physics?â (p. 211).
My decision to apply for analytic training in New York during my residency had multiple inspirations: teachers like Dan Schuster, Otto Thaler, and Sidney Rubin, and above all Sandor Feldman, like Szasz, another naturalized son of Hungarian Jews from Budapest, who once a week at 9:00 p.m. came from his home to teach a small self-selected group of residents: he read to us his notes of a three-year long analysis of a woman and kept adding new cases and examples to his fascinating book on mannerisms of speech and gestures in everyday life (Feldman, 1959).
But I was also influenced by Szasz. In all those years Szasz was for me a genteel interlocutor and wise guide. He wrote a great blurb for my 1992 book on Schreber and cited me in a number of his later books for which I in turn reciprocated with citing him and with blurbs for his books. A book that influenced my work with patients was his 1965 The Ethics of Psychoanalysis, in which he made reference to his Myth of Mental Illness.