Early childhood pedagogies: spaces for young children to flourish
Jane Murray
This paper introduces the Special Issue of Early Child Development and Care focused on Early Childhood Pedagogy. It opens by considering past and present discourses concerning early childhood pedagogy, and focus is given to established philosophical underpinnings in the field and their translation to contemporary guidance, alongside research and policy. It is argued that early childhood pedagogy is a contested, complex and diverse space, yet these factors are entirely appropriate for supporting young children to flourish as valued individuals in different contexts. Building on this argument, it is posited that it may be more appropriate to discuss early childhood pedagogies rather than early childhood pedagogy. The paper goes on to critique a range of established early childhood pedagogies, before introducing 18 papers from across the world that make exciting new contributions to the discourse. It is intended that this collection will inspire new debates and fresh endeavours concerning early childhood pedagogies.
Introduction
It has been my pleasure to edit this Special Issue of Early Child Development and Care, devoted to Early Childhood Pedagogy. The life period up to the age of 8 is recognised as critical for lifetime outcomes (United Nations Children’s Fund [UNICEF], 2012) so that pedagogies experienced by young children during this time may be particularly influential for their development and learning, now and in the future. The Special Issue is a collection of fascinating insights concerning early childhood pedagogy, in the form of discursive papers and reports of empirical research conducted by experienced and new researchers in Africa, America, Australasia, Europe and Asia. An international landscape of twenty-first century early childhood pedagogy is revealed, characterised by diversity, complexity and challenge, yet retaining at its heart the qualities of nurture that enable young children to develop, flourish and learn, today and in their future lives.
National and international investment in early childhood development has increased exponentially over recent decades, and consequently, policy-makers’ focus on early childhood pedagogy has intensified globally. Yet government interest is a relatively new phenomenon for early childhood pedagogy which has a rich and long history. The word ‘pedagogy’ derives from the Greek for child (pais) and leader (agogus) (Watkins & Mortimore, 1999), so in the simplest terms, early childhood pedagogy is about leading young children. Laminations of tradition, values and principles accumulated over hundreds of years through philosophy and praxis inform contemporary views of early childhood pedagogy. Yet rhetoric and realities surrounding early childhood pedagogy are drenched in complexities: they are dynamic and multifaceted. Equally, we perceive early childhood pedagogy through the different lenses of purpose attributed to early childhood provision: childcare that allows parents to work, education for preparing children for school or integrated care and education that focuses on the child as both being and ‘becoming’ (Kaga, Bennett, & Moss, 2010; Qvortrup, 1994, p. 18). More recently, understanding and developments in early childhood pedagogy have increasingly been predicated on research, derived through multiple disciplines which inform the new academic field of early childhood. It is some of this research – particularly from the fields of neuroscience and economics – that has proved compelling for policy-makers, resulting in impositions of increased policy, increased investment and increased regulation on early childhood pedagogy. Complexity is not appealing to policy-makers – they want ‘what works’ (Oancea & Pring, 2008) and they seek to impose simplistic measurable imperatives targeted to their perceived notions of ‘effectiveness’ in early childhood pedagogy, characterised by investment return (Heckman & Masterov, 2007).
This opening paper for the Special Issue begins by considering the complexities and contested spaces that occupy The Past and Present of Early Childhood Pedagogy. Discussion then turns to a range of established Early Childhood Pedagogies, before a short section – Transitioning Towards New Discourses – paves the way for an introduction to the new contributions in this issue: New Perspectives on Early Childhood Pedagogies.
The past and present of early childhood pedagogy
Although theory, research and policy-making inform constructions of early childhood pedagogy (Conkbayir & Pascal, 2014), traditionally it has been steeped in principles and values. In particular, western philosophers’ beliefs and attitudes have permeated early childhood pedagogy historically and internationally, though they have not been confined to western cultures (Ng’asike, 2014; Nutbrown & Clough, 2014). Rousseau (1762), Pestalozzi (1801) and Froebel (1826) have been especially important – though by no means the only – philosophical influences on early childhood pedagogy around the world. This may be due to strong synergy between the three philosophers’ views. All advocated that the child’s development should be viewed holistically and that children learn best through experience and activity, particularly play. All viewed the child in the context of his or her own family and community, all believed in the importance of environment – particularly the natural world – and all saw the child as a good and unique individual. The tenets held by these early philosophers are still discernible in contemporary guidance on early childhood pedagogy, which is often included in early childhood curriculum guidance (Council of Australian Governments, 2009; Finnish National Board of Education, 2010; ISSA, 2010; NAEYC, 2009; UNICEF, 2015).
Yet there is some divergence between the three philosophers’ views regarding the role of adults in children’s learning. Pestalozzi (1801) believed the adult should provide a programme of teaching, whereas Froebel (1826) thought the adult should ‘encourage and guide’ the child (p. 2) and Rousseau (1762) advocated that children ‘… should be taught by experience alone’ (p. 46). This dissonance regarding the adult role was reflected in the work of two other figures who have also strongly influenced early childhood pedagogy: Piaget (1929, 1955) and Vygotsky (1962, 1978). While both endorsed constructivism and both were advocates of play (Piaget, 1945; Vygotsky, 1976), Piaget (1955) saw children as autonomous agents; indeed emphasis on children’s autonomy is well rehearsed among other theorists – for example, Montessori (1916) and Freinet (1994). Nevertheless, Vygotsky (1978), a social constructivist, believed that we construct learning through our interactions with ‘more knowledgeable others’. Reflecting this variable positioning of adult and child within pedagogic engagements, Siraj-Blatchford, Sylva, Muttock, Gilden, and Bell (2002) identify three major approaches to early education in an influential review of early years pedagogy which subsequently influenced the persuasive effective pre-school and primary education project (Sylva, Melhuish, Sammons, Siraj-Blatchford, & Taggart, 2010, p. 12):
•The teacher-directed, programmed learning approach.
•An open framework approach where children are provided with ‘free’ access to a range of instructive learning environments in which adults support children’s learning.
•A child-centred approach where the adults aim is to provide a stimulating yet open-ended environment for children to play within.
While constructivism has undoubtedly influenced policy and practice concerning early childhood pedagogy – (see, for example, Central Advisory Council for Education, 1967), social constructivism has tended to enjoy wider – and more enduring – popularity. Internationally, contemporary guidance on early childhood pedagogy tends to favour the latter; for example in its Pre-Primary Core Curriculum, the Finnish National Board of Education (2010) advocates that ‘The teacher should support learning and guide children to become conscious of their own learning’ (p. 9). Equally, HighScope pedagogy ‘… emphasises adult-child interaction … Teachers and students are active partners in shaping the educational experience’ (HighScope Educational Research Foundation [HERF], 2015, p. 1). Moreover, ISSA (2010) advocates early childhood pedagogy in which ‘The educator interacts with children in a friendly and respectful manner that supports the development of each child’s construction of self/identity and learning’ (p. 23). In UNICEF’s Child-to-Child projects, where it has not been possible to establish early childhood education and care (ECEC) provision, school-aged children help pre-primary children to develop ‘early learning competencies’ (UNICEF, 2015). In recent years, the value of social constructivism for early learning has also been endorsed by neuroscience (Perry, 2002): babies’ and young children’s brains are highly sensitive to interactions with other human beings. Positive interactions in infancy stimulate brain capacity for learning, whereas negative interactions trigger cortisol release in the brain, shutting down the capacity for development and learning (Gerhardt, 2015).
Children’s interactions with their physical environments are also identified as an important feature of early childhood pedagogy (Featherstone, 2011). Vygotsky (1978) recognised that the ‘more knowledgeable other’ may allude to physical environment. This idea has been well developed in the Italian Reggio Emilia nurseries where the environment is itself regarded as an ‘educator’ (Gandini, 1998, p. 177). HighScope (HERF, 2015) also recognises the potential of the environment as a pedagogic tool, particularly for encouraging play, and for supporting young children’s development of conceptual understanding. Moreover, the environment is regarded as potentially valuable for supporting young children’s communication and language development as well as their self-esteem and independence (Jarman, 2007). Echoing Rousseau (1762), Pestalozzi (1801) and Froebel (1826), Louv (2005) re-emphasises the importance of young children’s experiences of natural outdoor environments, though he alerts us to the damaging effects of ‘nature deficit disorder’ that many children experience in the twenty-first century, particularly in western cultures. Furthermore, from a neuro-physiological perspective, Goddard-Blythe (2005) identifies the value of early gross motor experiences for healthy brain development.
It is evident, then, that some agreement exists regarding what is important for early childhood pedagogy, and much of this is deeply embedded in current policies and practices. Equally, while much of the accord has emerged from a basis of philosophical reasoning in western cultures, in more recent years, psychological and neuroscientific findings have endorsed those philosophical views. There is now much international consensus based on robust research evidence that ECEC is desirable and consequently, international policy on ECEC has developed exponentially in recent years (Britto, Engle, & Super, 2013; Organisation for Economic Cooperation and Development [OECD], 2014). Nevertheless, the consensus reached at the policy level is not universally or fully realised in practice across the world (Allen, 2011; Li, Wang, & Wong, 2011; Ulkuer & Petrovic, 2011). UNESCO (2014) articulates that:
Where appropriate curricula exist, there can be problems with implementation with the emphasis remaining on early primary education and preparation for formal schooling due to pressure from parents and the fact that it is easier for teachers than child-centred learning. (p. 1)
Moreover, national government policy and regulation may pressurise early childhood practitioners to pursue imperatives that are inappropriate for many young children – for example the narrow literacy and numeracy requirements that currently characterise the English early years’ framework (Department for Education, 2014). This pressure amounts to colonisation by external agents of the pedagogic relationship and is often termed ‘schoolification’: ‘… emphasis on the acquisi...