Communities, Networks and Ethnic Politics

Ken Hahlo

• Publisher: Taylor & Francis
• Year: 2018
• eBook ISBN: 9780429864353
• Edition: 1
• Topic: Politics & International Relations
• Subtopic: Communism, Post-Communism & Socialism
• Index: Politics & International Relations

First Published in 1998, this study explores ethnic community political participation in local politics in the North West British town. The analysis is located within the framework of the shift from Fordism to post-Fordism.From 1965 to 1980 ethnic communities increased their access to scarce resources including political influence by engaging in ethnic politics. Using membership of religious organisations as structures of support, elected men deployed ethnic identities to compete with others for ethnic support and influence over local decision-making processes. This gave ethnic minorities a positive role in local politics. With the support of local community relations councils (CRCs), ethnic politics flourished. It gave ethnic communities real opportunities to participate as ethnic communities in politics. Using local events, ethnic leaders competed for political influence and ethnic support. After 1977 the shift from Fordism to post-Fordism brought about a decline in ethnic political participation. While conferment of citizenship secured their right to stay in Britain, the rise in consumerism undermined the manufacturing sector on which they depended for work. With no ethnic political identity, today, these communities are again politically disadvantaged.

1 Post-Fordism, consumerism and race

This Chapter will establish a theoretical framework within which ethnic politics and racism are analysed. I shall argue that in a post-Fordist society, which emphasises choice and consumerism, young men and women who have the education and skills to find work are threatening relationships of authority. On the basis of these advantages they are also undermining previously established relationships between men and women in the family. Their position in family-based social networks is changing, and women in particular are emerging as the gatekeepers who are taking responsibility for informing children of their culture. Through these dimensions of power the Fordist state has constrained the South Asian men within a racialised labour relationship that was once employed in keeping them poor and powerless. The transition to a post-Fordist state has had to recognise South Asians as subjective consumers, though the ethnic community is still regarded as a target for improvement. In so far as it does this, the relationship between the state and ethnic communities is still racialised. The control of labour has shifted from a need for mass cheap labour to acceptance of individuals as citizens.

Political space

This development provided appropriate social and political environments for the establishment of a complex of communities each with its own structure of ethnic identities. As the implementers of harmonious relations between ethnic communities, CRCs took on the role of arbitrators in disputes over social, geographical, economic and political space, that is, ungoverned space. Control over such space was open to competition. The political importance of this space increased for two reasons. Firstly, as the recessions and threats of further recessions added to the possibility of an escalation in racism experienced by and a rise in the possibility of increasing unemployment for members of ethnic communities, their leaders became more committed to finding political solutions. Secondly, with the shift towards a consumerist society, ethnic communities became aware of the increasing social value of their ethnic products for themselves and for the wider community. Arguably, the passing of the 1971 Immigration Act was passed to increase control over black immigration in the hope of reducing racism and to reduce those seeking work in an economy a diminishing manufacturing sector. Therefore, the 1970s provided a critical moment in the change to a post-Fordist economy associated with the emergence of the second industrial divide (Piore and Sabel, 1984) and earlier with a crisis in the state (Hall et al, 1978). In this period of uncertainty, ethnic communities began to create and recreate their culture. The local, as opposed to the global, became increasingly important as ethnic communities established their social identities. Ethnic politics emerge without hindrance in a local political world in which local authorities attempted to resist the loss of some of their power to central government. However, the transition from Thatcherism as a social movement to post-Fordism and a ‘hollowed out’ workfare state removed the opportunity for ethnic organisations to develop ethnic politics and reduced their political participation to electoral politics and to other acceptable forms of participation. Flexibility brought a number of reorganisations to CRCs, in part removing their close links with grassroots ethnic membership, in part deskilling them as the sole local organisation specialising in anti-racism, and in part making them more policy orientated. Furthermore, flexibility also shifted the responsibility for combating racism from agencies in the voluntary and statutory sectors, and placing it on individual members of ethnic communities.

The predominantly Gujarati Indian community in Bolton is comprised of two major religious communities, within each of which are larger and smaller communities with their own ethnic identities based upon faction, caste, or sect membership. The analysis is in three parts and at two different levels. The core of the research is more ethnographic and is concerned with the emergence of ethnic communities, religious organisations, social networks, Gujarati social identities and their participation in the local political system. For a decade the local CRC enabled Gujaratis to participate in the local politics and to do so by providing an arena for the development of ethnic politics. Although two general elections occurred during this period, both in 1974, Gujaratis’ participation in these elections was only through voting for white candidates (Kohler and Anwar, 1975). To paraphrase Grillo (1985:23) ‘this is a study of the internal structure and politics of communities of immigrants, working from the inside looking out to the society in which they were located, and working from the outside looking in’.

The first part of the book focuses on the state (see Grillo, 1985: 284-86) and particularly on a rising post-Fordist state (Jessop, 1993; 1992 a and b; 1994) represented by a hollowed out Schumpeterian Workfare State (Jessop, 1994:24). Although this analysis is concerned with post-Fordism, the definition of Fordism helps make apparent the key issues. Jessop defines Fordism in terms of four referents. These are ‘(a) the nature of the labour process within the state sector itself; (b) the state sector’s direct economic role in a Fordist accumulation regime; (c) the wider role of the state in the social mode of economic regulation linked to such a regime; and (d) its role in securing the institutional integration and social cohesion of a social formation within which Fordism in one or more of its possible guises is dominant’ (1994:16). Post-Fordism embodies three processes: (a) as ‘a labour process post-Fordism can be defined as a flexible production process based upon flexible machines or systems and an appropriately flexible workforce’; (b) ‘as a stable mode of macro-economic growth would be based on the dominance of a flexible and permanently innovative pattern of accumulation’; and (c) ‘as a social mode of economic regulation would involve supply-side innovation and flexibility in each of the main areas of regulation’ (Jessop, 1994:19-21). The search ‘by economic and political forces for a new state form to resolve the contradictions and crises of Fordist accumulation and re-stabilise the state system led to a structural transformation and fundamental strategic reorientation of the capitalist state’ (Jessop, 1994:24). This search produced a new state, which Jessop refers to as a Schumpeterian Workfare State (1994:24). He defines ‘hollowing out’ as a consequence of two contradictory trends: firstly, a weakening of the state through a shift towards internationalisation and globalisation of production systems leading to a reduction in its autonomy. Secondly, he argues that this ‘creates a need for supra-national co-ordination and the space for subnational resurgence’. The powers of the nation-state are ‘limited through a complex displacement of powers upward, downward, and outward’ (1994:24). Jessop’s argument holds for a strictly economic analysis, but it does not take account of social, cultural and political issues with which I am concerned. I shall argue that the economic decline of the Fordist state in the 1970s, which culminated in the rise to power of Thatcherism, provided a framework for the transition from labour regulation based on demand to a post-Fordist state in which labour regulation is supply-based. This transition made apparent the ungoverned space that allowed ethnic politics to flourish in a way that was not possible either before or after this period. Regulation covers a wide range of economic control and I shall argue initially that the forms it took reflected the project of the state in attempting to extend its control to these immigrants as workers, as members of families and as members of communities. The importance of the regulation of the circulation of labour in a post-Fordist state is that it has a central role to play in the changing face of racism in British society. Within this theoretical framework the formation of ethnic communities and organisations and their competition for space for the development of ethnic organisations and the production of ethnic culture provided a fertile ground for the development of ethnic politics. One view claims that such development was supported by mainly one dedicated organisation, namely local CRCs (Ben-Tovim et al, 1986), another claims that such development should be seen as a form of anti-racism (Ballard et al, 1994).

The second part of the book forms an ethnographic case study of ethnic politics. It concentrates on the development of religious communities, the social networks that underpin them and the social perceptions of their place within the wider racialised world. These developments are related to their inability to participate meaningfully in local politics and, by implication, national politics. It will then explore how these representatives capitalised upon their temporary political roles to develop ethnic politics. The rise and fall of ethnic politics should be seen against a background of emerging post-Fordism.

The final part of the book provides a conclusion, and brings the analysis up-to-date by locating the present socio-economic characteristics of the Gujarati population in a post-Fordist framework. I argue that this ethnic population is an apt example of how ethnic communities have developed in a ‘hollowed out’ Schumpeterian Workfare State (Jessop, 1994) based upon the notion of flexible accumulation (Lash and Urry, 1994). The importance of locality emerges as an important force in the restructuring of ethnic communities and their social identities, because flexibility and reregulation, as opposed to deregulation, have removed the organisations and relationships that were critical to ethnic political participation by undermining the established authority of the men and the young unskilled. As the older men in ethnic communities are deskilled, their authority has shifted to women and younger people, reducing ethnic organisations to little more than welfare groups. However, the strategies employed by local government, attributed to a flawed Schumpeterian state (Hay, 1994), suggest that ethnic communities are still seen as cohesive units whose economic potential can be exploited for the benefit of the town by local ‘movers and shakers’ and central government. Racism that was once prevalent as a society-wide issue has now become reduced to the level of individual complaints, and social identities are little more than social badges sported by bidders for lottery monies. At the other extreme, racism has become elevated to the level of a global ideology. Globalisation offers the ethnic entrepreneur new potential for development unrestricted by local or national political decisions.

The theoretical approach

The aim of this book is to set race relations and ethnic politics within (a) the wider context of the state (Jessop, 1990; 1993; 1992 a and b; 1994; Jessop et al, 1988); (b) the regulation of labour migration in a post-Fordist state (Amin, 1997), (c) changes in the enskilling and deskilling of South Asians and the restructuring of ethnic communities within an analysis of circulation of capital, in particular, flexible accumulation (Lash and Urry, 1994); and (d) consumerism (Featherstone, 1996). The importance of this framework is that it:

1. sets race relations within the context of security as expressed by the state through various dimensions of social control;

2. focuses on the process of transition (Amin, 1997) of ethnic populations from immigrant to citizen;

3. integrates the process of social change within the transition from Fordism to post-Fordism which, through the shift to innovation, the flexible firm, market transactions and choice, gave importance to the local and the global by restructuring ethnic economic activities. This in turn led to changes in the contexts of ethnic social identities, racism and the racialisation of social boundaries;

4. locates within this process of transition the circulation of various forms of capital (Lash and Urry, 1994), and in particular the shift from labour power to subject power within a context of cultural change (Hall, 1988; Hall and Jacques, 1989); and

5. symbolises a shift from the exploited immigrant to the unconstrained consumer as part of a larger body of citizens and consumers (Bauman, 1988; Urry, 1990a and b). What is absent is the shift in (ethnic) authority from legislators to interpreters (Bauman, 1995).

Within this framework I shall concentrate on three areas: firstly, state control, secondly, the ethnic political community and thirdly, the changing ethnic community. In this part I shall concentrate upon the first of these three areas. I shall begin by making four broad generalisations.

Firstly, an aspect of the Fordist state is its direct involvement in the regulation of labour; for the purposes of this argument it encompasses the initial period of labour migration from the New Commonwealth. The argument is not only that a racialised state expresses power through different dimensions, but that this power is exemplified through the state’s regulation of migrant labour, and the relationship between capital and labour (Miles, 1982; Miles and Phizacklea, 1984; Castles and Miller, 1993; Castles et al, 1984; Bohning, 1981). The regulation of migrant labour impinged upon the wider aspects of the social, the economic (Jessop et al, 1988) and the political life of members of ethnic communities (Ben-Tovim et al, 1986; Solomos and Back, 1995). This control extends down to and over the ethnic family, influencing the positions of South Asian men, women and children in British society (Mama, 1992; Knowles and Mercer, 1992; Brah, 1992).

Secondly, the debate about the transition from Fordism to post-Fordism (Amin, 1994) involves change (Lash and Urry, 1994) and for ethnic minorities this has been expressed in some of the following ways. Individuals, as representatives of migration chains, have become members of distinctive ethnic communities. Their social identities have shifted from immigrant to citizen and from the presumed welfare dependent to independent consumer. The position in which the state held the migrant has moved from being seen as a threat located in an ageing colonial construct (Hall, 1981; Benyon and Solomos, 1987) to a potential cultural asset associated with cultural diversity. The control of immigration was (Bohning, 1981) and still is invested in governments and particularly the state; while once the state was concerned with the control of immigrants to fill gaps in the labour market; now it is concerned with individuals seeking rights to citizenship (Castles and Miller, 1993; Cohen, 1994).

Thirdly, the position of the immigrant has changed from being needed as a person with the potential to be quickly enskilled to replace and/or supplement labour to being no longer needed, deskilled, unwanted and, to an extent, still regarded as exploitable labour. The social implication of this shift is that an immigrant who was considered poor and powerless has become a citizen and individual consumer who has both buying power and freedom to exercise choice as consumer (Bauman, 1988). While the individual is accepted as a consumer, the ethnic community is still seen as a totality that can be targeted for improvement and development. This, I shall argue, conceals a contradiction or a racialised barrier (Small, 1994) that separates the ethnic community as a target for improvement from the ethnic consumer who is encouraged to spend and invest.

Fourthly, the post-Fordist state does not just pertain to economics and industrial relations, but has an impact upon ethnic culture (Hall, 1988; Hall and Jacques, 1989); and more importantly upon the relationship between ethnic communities as consumers over producers whether they are white or ethnic (Urry, 1990a). Ethnic communities came of age when they recognised themselves as consumers and became recognised by others as consumers rather than as a body of people on whom money is spent to improve their opportunities, that is, as the object of consumers. The state, the local community and ethnic minorities share in the process of defining their gazes as consumers. This situation encouraged Gujaratis (and other South Asians) to development their social identities as consumers and a collective ethnic political identity. However, the state initially saw ethnic politics as threatening. Shifts in status from immigrant to citizen, from perceived benefit-dependent to consumer are supported by the emergence of ethnic communities. For instance South Asians have emerged as a major group of homeowners (Saunders, 1990; Smith, 1989), and as niche ethnic entrepreneurs, whose businesses range from food to clothing to computers and electronics. Warde (1994) notes there are different kinds of consumers; the freedom to purchase is a freedom that is not bound by constraints (Bauman, 1988). Three processes are central to this development. Firstly, there is the transition of ethnic members of communities to move from poor migrants to active and major consumers. Secondly, there is a conflict between the constraints of racism and their freedom to become consumers. Thirdly, there is a choice that ethnic producers can make: either they can become niche market exploiters with no major consumption other than labour, or they can become consumers of scarce resources, such as labour, landlords, and other natural resources, in order to produce goods for local and global markets. The recognition of this process of transition from migrant to consumer is a political one. This incorporates a shift in the status of the migrant from being dependent upon financial and social welfare support with little freedom from the constraints of racial discrimination (exploited and exploitable) to becoming an active consumer with the freedom (Bauman, 1988) and power (Urry, 1990b) to exploit new markets with new sources of authority (Bauman, 1995). It is these shifts that I shall explore through an analysis of ethnic politics in the 1970s.

The impact of these changes has led to an expansion in the capacity of ethnic consumers to benefit from markets transactions, innovation and flexibility by expanding the range of ethnic goods and services. It has also transformed the impact of both the ethnic producers and consumers on wider markets as well as giving ethnic community members’ power as consumers. Through these changes the transition to post-Fordism has brought about a restructuring in the ethnic community through consumerism, deskilling of the older workers and enskilling of the younger workers. This restructuring has created schisms between the older and younger generations, between men and women, between community and consumer, and between deskilled and enskilled.

What seems to have been overlooked are the changes that have arisen as a consequence of the transition to post-Fordism. Notably, the shift in the state’s use of immigration legislation and control over citizenship set in motion a process leading to a restructuring of ethnic communities. They have changed from being political communities with the potential to globalise their identities to a locally oriented collection of voluntary organisations with consumer identities. Both of these changes embrace aspects of social control and elements of resistance: they are the consequences of the circulation of money-capital, commodities, and labour power (Lash and Urry, 1994). The combination of labour regulation and state security with the circulation of these elements of capital has set in motion changes in the space within and between communities, which impacts upon those living within them. It is this aspect of the change which eludes Lash and Urry (1994: Chapter 6) in their analysis of ungovernable spaces. The spaces are not ungovernable as a consequence of the circulation of capital; they are ‘ungoverned’. It is not the social characteristics of the people within the space that make it ungovernable (Lash and Urry, 1994), but the creation of ungoverned spaces as a consequence of ethnic expansion linked to the increasing power of ethnic communities to participate as consumers. Neither local nor central were prepared to recognise control over these spaces. In a sense they represented the interfaces between and within ethnic and white communities open to competition for control.

While Jessop is not concerned with such space, Hay (1994) draws attention to its importance in his analysis of the role of the state and local government as ‘movers and shakers’. He summarises the argument as follows. The changing contours of capitalist accumulation have increasingly privileged local development, making it a condition of national development. Many of these processes are present in the ‘hollowed-out’ Schumpeterian Workfare State nationally, which are linked to new forms of local governance reinforcing the subordination of welfare to workfare and legitimising accumulation. Hay raises doubts about whether the SWS is the best framework for post-Fordism, since it restricts ‘supply-side intervention to innovation, structural competitiveness and sustained economic growth’. This may limit non-economic development. The adaptation of local governance to these constraints is expressed through various formal and informal structures which construct, operationalise and legitimise strategies for development. However, local developments can be undermined by the property-led development model favoured by central government and by the Schumpeterian deficit which restricts the amount of local intervention necessary to create the conditions for a ‘stable mode of insertion within regional, national and supra-national economic dynamics’. He argues that the ‘central state remains the most important single constraint on local and regional economic development’ (1994:38-39). The contribution that this argument makes is that it draws attention to a social process of control through which local government on behalf of the state can take a post-Fordist view of the need to expand consumerism by encouraging the growth of businesses. When this is set within a Fordist approach to race, the ethnic community is reaffirmed as an economic and political entity, which, if protected from change, is set apart ideologically from other communities.

Since the post-war migration the circulation and control of black labour has been a significant processes within a declining Fordist state and a rising post-Fordist state. To summarise: racism developed in a context of economic regulation that allowed for the exploitation of migrant workers by capitalists. The regulation of these migrant workers was centred upon their freedom and otherwise to cross external boundaries as a definable group. Once the criteria of immigration controls were met, the...

Table of contents

• Cover
• Title Page
• Copyright Page
• Table of Contents
• Abbreviations
• Acknowledgements
• Introduction
• 1 Post-Fordism, consumerism and race
• 2 State, dimensions of control and migration
• 3 Religious organisations: structures of leadership and support
• 4 Close friends and communities
• 5 Social perceptions and common-sense racism
• 6 Leaders and politics
• 7 Quest for space: politics and ethnic politics
• 8 Conclusion
• Appendix I: Research methodology
• Appendix II: Analysis of primary zones of social networks
• Bibliography