Trade Unions

Geoffrey Drage

• Publisher: Taylor & Francis
• Year: 2018
• Print ISBN: 9781138617438
• eBook ISBN: 9780429867590
• Edition: 1
• Topic: Politics & International Relations
• Subtopic: Politics
• Index: Politics & International Relations

First published in 1905, this book offers a perspective on the aims and objectives of British trade unions. It details the history, constitution and aims of the trade union, challenging the misconception that a trade union exists solely to foster strikes, harass employers and hamper industry, and discussing the many positives of such organisations. Designed to be accessible for the general public, this book covers history, organisation, function, action and influence.

T R A D E U N I O N S

Chapter I

History And Extent Of Trade Unionism

The Various Groups Of Workmen’s Associations

NO one has pointed out more clearly than Dr. Baernreither how much the principle of voluntary association has contributed to the material prosperity and moral elevation of the English working classes. Writing nearly twenty years ago, he said : ‘ England is at present the theatre of a gigantic development of associated life, which gives to her labour, her education, her social intercourse—nay, to the entire development of her culture—a pronounced direction, a decisive stamp. … Since the repeal of the laws prohibiting combinations (1824), which was the turning - point in the history of the English working class, the working men’s associations have gained immensely in importance ; they have become more organized, more enlightened, more firmly established. The power of union, the capacity of submitting to the lead of others, the pertinacity and energy which they display in the pursuit of fixed aims, are amazing. In the course of the last decade these associations have become more and more differentiated, according to their various objects, and are now well-defined, economic, and legal institutions. The combination of the earlier more scattered and disconnected groups into great centralized associations has to an extraordinary extent increased their power.’*

The associations of working men thus referred to may be divided broadly into four main groups. First, there are the trade unions, or organizations formed by workmen for mutual protection and the regulation of their relations with their employers. These societies, which are the subject of the present work, constitute that form of labour organization which is in the highest degree peculiar to the English working man. Secondly, there are the co-operative societies, or organizations by which the workmen seek to eliminate the distinction between employers and employed, and to take, in addition to their wages, a share in the profits of their labour. These also have a direct bearing upon the industrial relations of the working classes. Thirdly, there are the friendly societies, or organizations for insurance, by which working men endeavour to secure for themselves support in case of sickness, old age, or want of employment, or to make a provision for their families at their death. Lastly, there are the building societies and savings banks, organizations which afford the working classes the means of accumulating and investing their savings. These last and the friendly societies may therefore be classed together as wage-saving organizations, in contrast with the trade unions and co-operative societies, which may be jointly described as wage-earning organizations, though, in fact, they have a wider scope. In addition there are a number of less important associations of working men, such as clubs and literary institutes, which do not properly fall under any of these main divisions.

All these various associations come to some extent under the jurisdiction of the Chief Registrar of Friendly Societies, in virtue of Acts of Parliament applying to the several groups. Mr. Bra-brook, who till 1904 held the office, in his evidence before the Royal Commission on Labour, quoted with approval the opinion expressed in 1874 by his predecessor, Mr. Ludlow, to the effect that it would be advisable to include them all under the general enactment which afterwards became the Friendly Societies Act, 1875 ; but this opinion has not been adopted by the Legislature, so that, for administrative purposes, working men’s societies remain divided in the manner here indicated.

Development Of Unionism Before 1867

The aim of the present, work is rather to consider the position held by trade unions in the United Kingdom at the present day, their extent, characteristics, and the influence they exercise upon industry, than to make any attempt to trace the steps by which they attained to that position. In order, however, that the sources of their present strength may be understood, it is necessary to point out as briefly as possible a few of the most striking landmarks in their history. That history falls into three chapters, the first ending with the inquiry into the rules and organization of trade unions conducted by the Royal Commission in 1867 ; the second with the Great Dock Strike, and the outburst of what is known as ‘ New Unionism ’ in 1889 ; whilst the third chapter is not yet closed. Throughout these main divisions lesser ones may be traced, for trade unionism has made alternately slow and rapid progress, and, with more or less regularity, has shown its greatest vigour at intervals of twenty years.

The four periods 1830-1834, 1849-1854, 1870-1874, and 1886-1894, were all remarkable for the large number of new unions then established, and for certain other features which they have in common. Thus each coincided to some extent with a rapid revival of trade after severe depression, and in each the efforts of the workmen as a class to secure their share in the renewed prosperity were accompanied by special claims on behalf of unskilled labour—claims which it was sought to enforce by the organization of the labourers and the co-operation in large federations of the members of various trades. But in other respects the conditions of the successive periods have varied greatly, and most of all, perhaps, in the gradual change which, passing over public opinion with regard to trade associations, has found expression from time to time in special legislation.

It is unnecessary to enter here into the disputed question of the exact origin of trade unions. The spirit of association for the purpose of self-help, which has been so characteristic of English working men at each period of their history, has been embodied now in one form, now in another, and finds expression at the present time in a variety of organizations besides trade unions. It is natural, therefore, that we should find in the ancient craft guilds, as well as in the more ephemeral combinations of manual workers which were formed from time to time, much that resembles modern trade unionism, even if no continuous development of the one into the other can be traced. The great majority of trade unions now in existence are certainly of comparatively recent origin ; a few only, such as the Consolidated Society of Bookbinders and the Friendly Society of Ironfounders, date from the last years of the eighteenth or the first two decades of the nineteenth century. It appears to have been the introduction of machinery which gave trade unions their essential character as combinations of workmen for mutual protection against employers. Before that time all textile industries were carried on in domestic workshops, owned by small masters who worked themselves, and whose interest and social position were almost identical with those of the few journeymen they employed. The introduction of machinery created the system of large factories, owned by employers whose work was limited to supervision, and who were sharply divided from the workpeople in rank and in interest.

The large proportion of children employed in the factories, and the increased fluctuations in trade resulting from the new system of production, contributed to depress the condition of the workpeople. Some protection, however, from the former evil was found in the old Statute of Apprentices of Elizabeth, which was still nominally in force, although its provisions had long been disregarded. Combinations of workmen were therefore formed to resist the violation of this law on the part of the employers. These were not dissolved, as was intended by the Combination Laws passed in 1799, which made every workmen’s union an unlawful association in restraint of trade ; nor did their activity cease when the Statute of Apprentices was repealed in 1809. They were, however, forced into the position of secret societies, or obliged to carry out their real objects under the disguise of mere friendly societies. The first steps in the direction of the legal sanction of the organization of labour were marked by the repeal of the Combination Laws in 1824 and 1825, followed by the establishment of a series of trade unions, especially in the years 1833 and 1834, which have been said to ‘ present the nearest parallel to 1889 and 1890, as regards labour movements, of any years upon record.’*

The majority of the numerous societies founded at this period, representing almost all the industries of the country, and including many branches of unskilled and even of female labour, appear to have had a very brief existence, although in the more skilled trades a few, such as the Associated Ironmoulders of Scotland, the Amalgamated Union of Cabinetmakers, and the United Society of Boilermakers, have survived to the present day.† The revival of unionism which began about the year 1843, and was marked in its later stages by the formation of some powerful trade societies, the most important of which were the Operative Bricklayers’ Society, the Typographical Association, and the Amalgamated Society of Engineers,* is noticeable, amongst other reasons, for the efforts then made in the direction of organizing seamen and dock labourers. The Glasgow Society of Harbour Labourers,† founded at this time, is still in existence, but the Seamen’s United Friendly Society‡ became very powerful for a short time and then declined in consequence of the organized opposition of the shipowners, who opened free labour offices, and issued tickets by which preference of employment was secured to the holders. This period was of peculiar interest in trade union history, as being that in which some of the most important of what are now known as ‘ Old Unions ’ came into existence. These societies, of which the Amalgamated Society of Engineers may be taken as the type, contained elements of stability in their strongly centralized and carefully planned constitutions, their large contributions, and friendly benefits, which had been absent from former organizations of working men.

From 1860 onwards trade unionism was increasingly active, and the aggressive policy of some societies and the intimidation and violence practised by their members led to the appointment of the Royal Commission of 1867 to inquire into the nature of trade unions and the charges brought against them. In addition to certain specific cases of outrage on the part of trade unionists, into which the Commissioners were empowered to inquire, their notice was attracted by several general charges with regard to the nature and abuses of trade unions. It was said that trade unions had destroyed the old kindly relationship of patron and dependent which had existed between employer and employed, that they had ruined the character of the workmen, and were the immediate cause of strikes. It was further alleged that their restrictive and often mischievous rules were an injury to trade, and that the workmen themselves had derived no financial benefit from them. Upon the other hand, the attention of the Commissioners was called to certain grievances under which trade unions suffered from the anomalous condition of the laws. The Act of 1825 had only exempted from punishment persons who met together to determine under what conditions of hours or wages they would work, or who entered into an agreement for this purpose. The majority of the unions, therefore, were unlawful bodies in their objects and proceedings, and all suffered from the absence of protection for their funds, which arose from the fact that they had no legal status.

Development Of Unionism From 1867 To 1889

The Report of the majority of the 1867 Commission was not very favourable towards trade unions, but did not admit all the charges brought by their opponents. Without pledging themselves to the view that trade unionism had lowered the character of the workmen or the reverse, the Commissioners pointed out that since the old theory of the employers as the governing class had passed away, a substitute for it must be found ‘ arising from the feelings of equity and enlightened self-interest and mutual forbearance which should exist between contracting parties who can best promote their several chances of advantage by aiding and accommodating each other.’ Whilst strongly reprobating the practice of ‘ rattening ’ and other violence towards non-unionists, which showed ‘ an utter perversion of all sense of law and duty ’ upon the part of some trade unions, they did not find from the evidence that a disposition to strike was in itself the creation of unionism, or that the frequency of strikes increased with the power of a union. They further expressed the opinion that all regulations and practices of trade unions were objectionable so far as they tended to keep up a high cost of production, but could not say to what extent they had been successful in this aim ; and they considered the question whether trade unions had really raised wages or materially benefited the working classes a very doubtful one.

The fact that the power to combine is liable to abuse and is sometimes injudiciously exercised did not, however, appear to the Commissioners a sufficient ground for withholding the right of combination. They therefore proposed that the existing law should be relaxed so far that ‘ no combination of persons for the purpose of determining among themselves, or of stipulating for, the terms on which they will consent to employ or be employed shall be unlawful by reason only that its operation would be in restraint of trade,’ adding certain provisos as to personal liability in respect of offences or damages, as to breaches of contract, and as to refusal to work with particular persons. In order that trade unions might become capable of corporate rights and duties in the eyes of the law, and to insure publicity with regard to their rules, proceedings, and expenditure, it was proposed that they should be granted facilities for registration through the Registrar of Friendly Societies. The latter should, however, refuse to register societies the rules of which restricted the employment of apprentices, the use of machinery, the systems of subcontract and piece-work, or work with non-unionists, or societies which authorized the support of men on strike belonging to ‘ an unconnected union.’ The Commissioners were of opinion that the funds intended for friendly benefits and for trade purposes should be kept entirely separate, but did not advise that this should be made a condition of registration. They suggested, however, that societies might be registered in a first or second class, according as they did or did not carry out this system. Further, whilst expressing their doubt as to the applicability and success of cooperative and industrial partnerships, and believing that any system of compulsory arbitration would be impracticable, the Commissioners held out the hope that ‘ a more promising remedy ’ would be found in the establishment of voluntary Boards of Conciliation.

Several members of the Commission dissented from some points in the Report, and two of them —Mr. Thomas Hughes and Mr. Frederic Harrison —embodied their views in a separate Report. In this they urged that the evidence had shown that acts of violence had been committed in connection with certain unions in two districts of England, but that these were not societies of long...

Table of contents

• Cover
• Half Title
• Title Page
• Copyright Page
• Dedication Page
• Preface
• Table of Contents
• Chapter I History and Extent of Trade Unionism
• Chapter II Organization and Functions of Trade Unions
• Chapter III Larger Organizations of Trade Unions
• Chapter IV Trade Union Congresss
• Chapter V The Action and Influence of Trade Unions
• Conclusion