Foreword
Acts of terrorism, by their very nature, are intended to appear random and unpredictable designed to cause maximum psychological impact. In this well-researched and well-written book, psychologist Dr. Steven Moysey traces the destructive and apparently random path taken by one of the most ruthless and murderous gangs of IRA terrorists ever to operate with such vicious consistency on the mainland of Great Britain. He covers the bombing, shooting and kidnapping offences carried out by this small group of determined killers and outlines in authentic (and dare I say exciting detail, as he triggers my own memory) the events leading up to their eventual capture when they were caught in a trap carefully placed and sprung by the London Metropolitan Police on 6th December 1975. Moysey clearly outlines the randomness and unpredictability which was the hallmark of this particular Active Service Unit and which was epitomised by: bombs left in shop doorways on one day; a doorstep shooting and killing the next; the murder of a child cancer physician, by placing a booby trapped bomb under the wheels of his neighbour's car; and opening fire from an automatic weapon on crowded restaurants and hotels while speeding past in a stolen car. In one evening alone in early 1975 no less than seven timed bombs were placed in shop doorways and under fuel storage dumps in and around London.
But although this almost daily switch of methods and likely targets helped them evade early identification and capture, their continued success, (which included the death of one of our top explosives experts), the very randomness itself contained a pattern which allowed the Metropolitan Police Anti-terrorist Squad to set a sophisticated trap into which, on the cold and damp evening of 6th December 1975, the most murderous IRA gang which had ever operated on the British mainland inadvertently entered as they attempted to carry out yet another deadly shooting by opening fire on a high class West End restaurant crowded with pre-Christmas diners. The terrorists, facing armed officers for the first time in their campaign of violence and finding themselves cut off in a part of the City, ran into a small block of Council flats, entered No. 22b, placed a gun to the head of the woman occupant and called to the pursuing officers that they would shoot her if the officers made a move to enter. The officers, knowing of the murders already committed by the terrorists knew this was no idle threat; they would carry it out. So began the siege of 22b Balcombe Street which with armed terrorists inside, who were more than capable of killing their hostages, and armed police covering the premises from the outside, presenting the police, and indeed the government, with a grave dilemma as to how this situation could be resolved.
Acknowledgments
The research and writing for this book could not have been completed without the help and support of many different individuals and groups. Firstly, I need to thank my wife Monica for her tireless support and apparently endless patience in dealing with the piles of paper that accumulated around the house and in my office as I worked on the manuscript. I need to also thank The Haworth Press for making the publishing a relatively painless process and especially Dr. Jim Greenstone, of the Journal of Police Crisis Negotiations, for being a believer in the book when it was just an idea based on a previous academic paper.
Many former officers from London's Metropolitan Police came forward with their recollections of the IRA terror campaign between 1974 and 1975 and several were critical to reconstructing the events of December 6th 1975 that resulted in the start of what became known as the Balcombe Street siege. I would like to thank Bob Fenton for his dual role as both a voice in the events of that night and as a contact person for the several thousand retired CID officers in his role as Secretary of the Association of Ex CID Officers of the Metropolitan Police. Through Bob, I was able to interview many police participants including Ron Chapman, Derek Wilson, Alec Edwards, David Waghorn and others who have requested that their names would not used in the book. I would also like to thank Alan Hill, FIFireE, formerly of the West Midlands Fire Service, for his excellent first-hand account of the Birmingham pub bombings in 1974.
Other people made a significant impact in the hunt for research material such as the staff at the British Newspaper Library, and big thanks go to Erin O'Connor at the BBC written archives for her tireless help in tracking down tidbits of information, and Kate Parsons of the Press Association and Alan Moss of History by the Yard for their help in researching images for the book. Several members of Scotland Yard's SO15 Counter Terrorism Command deserve a mention for the help and time they extended to me, but because of the nature of their work I cannot name them.
Introduction
This book is, at its core, about a hostage negotiation episode that occurred in London over six days in December of 1975. The hostage takers were four members of the Provisional Irish Republican Army (IRA) that made up an Active Service Unit (ASU), sent to Britain by the IRA's General Headquarters (GHQ). They had been sent to England, under a cloak of relative anonymity, to wreck havoc on the capital, which they did with some success and notoriety for fourteen months. Their mission was to force the government of Harold Wilson to pull out the British troops from Northern Ireland and allow the six counties of Ulster, controlled by the British, to integrate with the Republic of Ireland. Their mission was part of a struggle that dated back over 200 years. The six days they spent as hostage takers was the direct result of the outstanding work on the part of London's Metropolitan police (the Met) in trapping them in a dragnet operation, designed to entice them one more time onto
the streets of London to ply their deadly trade of terror. The six days were the culmination of a fourteen-month collision course the ASU and the Met had been set on since the IRA group became active on the streets of London, with the one side seeking to avoid detection, and the other side desperate to track the terrorists down to stop further death and destruction in the nation's capital. The British had become accustomed to seeing the scenes of carnage and mayhem, on the nightly news broadcasts and in the papers, inflicted on Northern Ireland by the Catholic and Protestant paramilitary groups as they waged a vicious sectarian war. The British public had been exposed on a few occasions to the car and parcel bombs of the IRA, but not since WWII had they been exposed to the concentrated violence the London ASU was to inflict during the campaign of 1974 and 1975. In order to understand the six days of intense pressure, psychological tension, careful maneuvering of the negotiators and the stoic resistance of the hostage takers, we need to trace the steps that both the hunted and the hunters took that drove the ASU to hold John and Sheila Matthews, in their own home, hostages for their cause.
Chapter 1
Background to the 1974-1975 London ASU Campaign
During December of 1973, Harris Duggan, Sr., received a visit from members of the Provisional IRA at his home in Feakle, County Clare in the Republic of Ireland. They came to Mr. Duggan with heavy hearts and bad news. His son, Harris "Harry" Duggan Jr., was dead, killed on active service with the IRA while on an operation in the North. He had been buried, with honors, in a local cemetery, so Mr. Duggan was told. On receiving the news, Duggan Sr. spent several days searching for his dead son's burial site, but could not find it no matter where he looked. His son had turned twenty-one on his last birthday the previous October. The younger Duggan had been a carpenter, a good trade, and had hoped to go to Canada where he had a job opportunity, but the Canadian authorities had turned down his application for a visa. Rejected, he joined the Provisional IRA. The police on both sides of the border wanted conversations with Harry Duggan regarding certain criminal activities, but now he was dead. Young Harry had been born in Kilburn, London, where he lived with his parents until the age of three, when his father brought him back to Ireland to settle in his native County Clare. The younger Duggan would grow up hearing the tales and exploits of the Republican struggle against the British.
News of Duggan's death reached the Garda, the Irish police force, soon after his father had been told, resulting in Duggan's file being removed from the list of active subversives that the Garda maintained on known members of paramilitary organizations, such as the IRA. At around the same time as Harry Duggan's death, another IRA operative disappeared. Eddie Butler, from Castle Connell, County Limerick, had joined the provisional IRA in 1972, a year of increased recruitment for the IRA. He had carried out minor activities for the IRA, such as selling Republican newspapers, but was not wanted for any major operations. He was 24 years old at the time of his disappearance, presumed to be the victim of the sectarian violence between the Republican Nationalist and Unionist Loyalist paramilitary forces, or a victim of the Royal Ulster Constabulary (RUC) and British Army, his body dumped in some remote hedgerow to be picked at by crows.