Theodosius and the Limits of Empire

Mark Hebblewhite

• Publisher: Taylor & Francis
• Year: 2020
• eBook ISBN: 9781351594769
• Edition: 1
• Topic: History
• Subtopic: Ancient History
• Index: History

The emperor Theodosius I (AD 379–395) was one of the most remarkable figures of the late antique period. In the face of religious schism, political turmoil, and barbarian threats he managed to maintain imperial power and forge a political dynasty that would dominate both east and west for over half a century. This study, the first English language biography in over twenty years, traces his rise to power and tumultuous reign, and examines his indelible impact on a rapidly changing empire.

Part I

A new power in the east

1 An inevitable rise to power?

The house of Theodosius

Theodosius was born in Cauca, Spain, in the province of Gallaecia, on the 11th January, c. 347.¹ Despite the efforts of our sources to emphasise the nobility of Theodosius’ ancestors – some go as far as to create a familial link with the emperor Trajan – his family was an unremarkable cog in the minor provincial aristocracy of the west.² This changed with the ascendancy of his father Flavius Theodosius (usually referred to as Theodosius ‘the Elder’). Like many others of his age with obscure origins, Theodosius the Elder used the army to gain a prominence he would otherwise never have had. We know little of his early life beyond the fact he married one Thermantia, and presumably was of Spanish origin or at least had a strong connection to the area.³ He first appears in our sources as a commander in Britain (368–369) during the so called ‘Great Conspiracy’. He seems to have already earned a strong reputation for military success as “a man most favourably known for his services in war” and Valentinian trusted him to conduct the campaign after a number of other commanders had failed.⁴ Ammianus recounts his lightning approach to Boulogne, from where he landed at Rutupiae (Richborough) and hastened to Londinium, after which he scoured the countryside of predatory barbarians and returned peace to the south of Britain. He then moved to restore the integrity of the northern borders, scoring numerous successes and adding a new province to Rome’s domain in Valentia.⁵ It is likely that the future emperor joined his father on this campaign, although we have no evidence of his role or rank.⁶

Having achieved success in Britain, Theodosius the Elder returned to Valentinian’s court in 369 where “he was received with joy and words of praise and succeeded to the position of Jovinus, commander of the cavalry forces, whom the emperor Valentinian considered to be lacking in energy”⁷ (trans. Rolfe). Now at the pinnacle of the western military establishment he was unleashed against the Alamanni. Attacking through Raetia he scored a major victory, which led to a significant resettlement of prisoners on the banks of the River Po.⁸ He then took part in Valentinian’s successful campaign across the Rhine against the Alamannic king Macrianus and may have even campaigned against the Sarmatians before being sent to North Africa in 373 to put down the revolt of Firmus, a chieftain of the Iubaleni, who had declared himself Augustus.⁹ It is around this time that we have our first concrete evidence for his son’s career. Around 373/4 Theodosius was appointed as a military commander in the province of Moesia (dux Moesiae Primae), perhaps to maintain the gains that his father made in the area against the Sarmatians before departing for North Africa. This appointment strongly suggests that Theodosius had built his own independent military reputation, likely by participating in his father’s many successful campaigns.¹⁰

Theodosius’ posting to North Africa, and his son’s promotion, demonstrate the esteem in which the family was now held by Valentinian I. They were now more than just competent soldiers: they were trusted partisans of the emperor. Given this, Theodosius the Elder’s appointment to the North African command should have been his finest moment. Instead it was the cause of a sudden and baffling downfall. The mission started well. He immediately neutralised the nefarious Count of Africa (comes africae) Romanus, whose corrupt behaviour had created the conditions that led to the insurrection. Following this he successfully campaigned against the tribal groups who had supported Firmus, with his success leading to the usurper being betrayed and killed by his own allies.¹¹ By mid-374 Theodosius had successfully returned North Africa to peace. He was in a seemingly strong position as a leading general who had rendered years of impressive service to what can only have been a grateful emperor. At the very least Theodosius the Elder must have felt that his family would have a permanent home among the western elite, and no doubt hoped that his son would one day achieve a similar rank to his own. However, in a perplexing turn of events, a mere 18 months later Theodosius the Elder was arrested and executed at Carthage. As we will see below, understanding the circumstances of this event is crucial to understanding the remarkable accession of Theodosius to the purple some four years later. As for the future emperor himself, he somehow escaped the fate of his unfortunate father. Following his successful independent command as dux Moesiae, during which time he enjoyed success against the Sarmatians, Theodosius retreated to his family’s estates in Spain. There he would marry Aelia Flavia Flaccilla, and in 377 welcome the birth of his first son, Flavius Arcadius.¹² However, enduring obscurity was not in the cards for Theodosius, now in his early 30s. As the panegyrist Pacatus would proclaim many years later “How veiled always the plans of Fortune.”¹³ An event was about to occur that would lead to a most unlikely political resurrection.

A return to favour

In the decades leading up to Theodosius’ accession, the empire had faced significant pressures on numerous frontiers. The eastern emperor Valens had spent long periods in Antioch vainly trying to re-establish Roman hegemony in the east after the disastrous Persian campaign of the emperor Julian, and the humbling treaty signed by his successor Jovian, which had seen Rome cede significant swathes of territory to the Sassanian regime.¹⁴ In the west Valentinian had faced severe disruptions in Britain and was forced to campaign vigorously against both the Alamanni and the Quadi to ensure the integrity of Rome’s north-western frontier. His successor Gratian inherited this struggle and as late as mid-378 was forced to campaign across the Rhine against the Lentienses.¹⁵

But these long-running struggles were dwarfed by a crisis on the Danubian frontier that formed the hinge between the western and eastern territories of the empire (see Map 2). Rome had a long history of conflict with Gothic peoples beyond the Danube, and Valens himself had campaigned against the Greuthungi and Tervingi between 367–369.¹⁶ However, the threat was to become far more pronounced in 376 thanks to events to the north of the empire’s borders, where a nomadic people known as the Huns had migrated into the territory of the Greuthungi and the Tervingi, who lived near Rome’s Thracian border. Both tribes were unable to withstand the newcomers and sought entry into the empire as refugees. Initially, Valens allowed the Tervingi entry but refused entry to the Greuthungi. Based in Antioch, where he was facing off with Shapur over Armenia, Valens then left the Gothic issue in the hands of subordinates. Thanks to their mismanagement, particularly the attempted extortion of the Gothic refugees, what should have been a peaceful transfer and settlement of the Goths in the empire became a bloodbath. Roman forces in the area were overwhelmed by the sheer numbers of refugees, who quickly took up arms in the face of horrendous treatment. Joined by the Greuthungi, who crossed the now porous Danubian frontier, and later groups of Alans, Taifali and even Huns; the Tervingi under their leader Fritigern ransacked Thrace. Even with military assistance from Gratian’s court, the barbarians could not be dislodged from the empire.¹⁷ Realising the situation was growing desperate, Valens returned to Constantinople in the spring of 378 to in prepare for a major campaign to restore the situation. The story of the campaign is well-known. Although receiving assurances from Gratian and his generals that military assistance would arrive from the west, Valens, seeing the chance to gain singular glory, rashly decided to confront a Gothic force gathered at Adrianople. In the ensuing battle his army was obliterated and Valens was killed, leaving only a reputation as the man who had led Rome to its worst defeat since the Battle of Edessa, if not the Teutoburg Forest.¹⁸

An accidental emperor?

The Battle of Adrianople has long been considered a turning point in the fortunes of the empire. Leaving aside the longer-term consequences there is no doubt that it left the empire in immediate peril. With an estimated two-thirds of the eastern army destroyed, vast swathes of Roman territory lay undefended.¹⁹ Just as importantly the defeat created a power vacuum in the east. Valens’ son and presumptive heir Valentinianus Galates had died some years earlier, while his two daughters were young, unmarried, and in no position to carry on the dynasty.²⁰ What’s more, most of the military leadership of the eastern army, which formed the most obvious pool for an imperial replacement, had been decimated in the battle.²¹ Those who survived were unsuitable due to inexperience, lack of political networks, or in the case of the Master of Cavalry (magister equitum) Victor, ethnic origin.²² In the absence of any serious eastern candidate, or even a cabal of influential officials, the western ruler Gratian was now de-facto emperor of the east. But with this power came a hard political reality. The empire had not been under control of one man since the short-lived reign of Jovian and Gratian was faced with an immediate and difficult decision – take on the administration of the entire empire, which would have meant taking responsibility for re-stabilising the Danubian frontier, or appoint a co-emperor. We must not underestimate the fact that Gratian was forced into making this choice in the shadow of one of the greatest psychological traumas to ever beset the empire. That Ammianus, writing decades later in Rome, could liken the defeat to Cannae, shows the depths of this despair.²³

When Gratian learnt of the defeat he was on his way to support Valens. We can only imagine the atmosphere within the confines of the imperial court when news of the tragedy reached them.²⁴ No doubt the panic intensified when news leaked out to the gathered army. While the death of an emperor was always a politically precarious time, the death of an emperor in circumstances such as this was a fully blown crisis. Even though he had been independently ruling the west since 375, Gratian was only 19 years old and in many ways still hostage to the senior figures from his father’s regime. Zosimus states that the young emperor immediately realised he could not rule the empire alone but really we have little to no idea of what Gratian really thought.²⁵

There were three practical options open to him. First, rule the empire alone. Second, appoint his half-brother and co-emperor Valentinian II to rule the east. Third, appoint a new eastern emperor. If we take Zosimus at face value, the first option was immediately ruled out. That doesn’t mean however that Gratian wasn’t tempted to take this course. His relationship with his uncle Valens had been fractured and the thought of sole rule with no competing Augustus would be intoxicating for a young emperor yet to free himself from his father’s legacy. That said, no emperor of the dynasty had yet ruled alone. The army had forced Valentinian I to choose an imperial partner upon coming to power and had then raised up Valentinian II upon his death as a partner for Gratian.²⁶ They clearly felt that the empire was too large to rule alone. If Valentinian II (at that stage only eight years old) had been older, the second option would have been an obvious one. Gratian could have sent...

Table of contents

• Cover
• Half Title
• Title Page
• Copyright Page
• Table of Contents
• List of illustrations
• Preface and acknowledgements
• List of abbreviations
• Timeline of significant events
• Introduction
• PART I: A new power in the east
• PART II: A dynasty founded; a dynasty challenged
• PART III: The final years: conflict and chaos
• Conclusion
• Appendix 1: Theodosius: the army, discipline, and loyalty
• Appendix 2: Constantinople: the jewel in the crown
• Bibliography
• Index