Malaysia and the Cold War Era

Ooi Keat Gin, Ooi Keat Gin

• Publisher: Routledge
• Year: 2020
• ISBN:
  9780429847967
• Edition: 1
• Topic: Pedagogía
• Subtopic: Enseñanza de artes y humanidades

From the end of the Second World War in 1945 to the collapse of the Soviet Union in 1991, there was a great deal of turmoil, tension and violence in what became Malaysia as a result of the 1963 Federation; upheavals included the Malayan Emergency of 1948?1960, the independence of Malaya in 1957, Konfrontasi with Indonesia of 1963?1966, the Philippines' claim to Sabah, the Sarawak Communist Insurgency (1962?1990) and the Second Malayan Emergency of 1968?1989. This book breaks new ground in arguing for a longer trajectory of the Cold War, tracing this phenomenon back to 1920s' colonial Malaya and Sarawak. Many new research findings showing how Malaysia coped with and overcame the many trials, challenges and difficulties are presented here, further enriching the historiography.

1 ‘Big’ picture and ‘small’ picture

An introductory essay

Ooi Keat Gin

In focusing on the central theme of the impact of the Cold War phenomenon on Malaysia from a long-term perspective (circa 1920s to 1990s), the interplay between developments from within (internal, Malaya/Malaysia wide) and situations and scenarios from without (external, regional, global) possessed influences and repercussions on one over the other, and vice versa. This interrelationship between the ‘big’ picture on the world’s canvas vis-à-vis the ‘small’ picture, the local scenarios of situations and circumstances that determine the unfolding of events and developments that in turn influenced subsequent progressions. Sketches of the background scenarios both from within and from without allows the contextualization of each local historical episode that was played out. It ensures that the details in the following chapters are located in the relevant background. This introduction, to all intents and purposes, lays the props, sets the stage with backdrops of scenarios for the rest of the volume. The ‘small’ picture, therefore, opens with a sketch that describes the local situation in Malaya, Sarawak and North Borneo during the 1920s and 1930s against the unfolding of the ‘big’ picture tapestry of global developments and happenings then. This ‘small’–‘big’ picture scenario background offers a deeper understanding of the overall influences and impacts from without on local, internal developments from within Malaya/Malaysia.

But before proceeding to the subject matter per se, it is prudent from this starting point to furnish various general information, clarification of terms and some historical background. The singular purpose is to contextualize the historical analysis, criticisms, development and progress.

Geographical settings

Malaysia is a federation of 12 states and four designated federal territories. Divided into two parts, West Malaysia and East Malaysia, the former comprises the Malay Peninsula, hence also known as Peninsular Malaysia and the latter, the northern upper half of the island of Borneo. West Malaysia has nine states each headed by its respective Malay sultan, clockwise from the northwest: Perlis, Kedah, Kelantan, Terengganu, Pahang, Johor, Negeri Sembilan, Selangor and Perak. Penang and Malacca (Melaka) each has a Yang Dipertua Negeri or governor. Kuala Lumpur and Putrajaya, the national capital and administrative centre respectively are federal territories, likewise Langkawi, an island off the coast of Kedah. Across the South China Sea on northern Borneo are the East Malaysian states of Sabah and Sarawak and the Federal Territory of Labuan, an island off the southwestern coast of Sabah. Both Sabah and Sarawak have a Yang Dipertua Negeri, while a federal minister is entrusted with the administration of the four federal territories.

With coordinates 4.2105° N, 101.9758° E, Malaysia lies slightly above the Equator and hence enjoys a hot, humid and wet equatorial-type climate. Although consistently high throughout averaging about 32/33°C (90/91°F), in highland areas and nights, temperatures could dip to as low as 23/25°C (73/77°F). Between November and January, there is a slight drop in the thermometer to 29/30°C (84/86°F). Average relative humidity ranged from a high of 88 percent to a low of 84 percent.

Malaysia experiences an annual mean precipitation of approximately 2,540mm. On the peninsula, the wettest area is Maxwell’s Hill with an annual average of over 5,000mm while the inland town of Kuala Kelawang has 1,650mm yearly rainfall. Owing to the diverse terrain, Sabah’s annual rainfall ranges from 2,030mm to 3,560mm.

Although there are scant differences in the overall climate throughout the year, there are months that experience higher rainfall hence the cooling effect and alternatively the drier period that appear to see a spike in the temperature. Malaysia is in the monsoon zone where the prevailing winds (monsoon) determine the climatic, albeit slight, changes. The northeast monsoon, commencing in mid-October running through to January, brings precipitation to the east coast of the peninsula and the northeast coast of Sarawak and Sabah. It is during this period that the South China Sea sweeps the shores of the peninsula’s northeast coasts and likewise of Sarawak’s and Sabah’s endangering small crafts and flooding coastal areas. Comparatively, the southwest monsoon is much weaker, prevailing during the months of June through September, overall bringing less rain to the country. The impact of global warming slightly affects the monsoonal cycle with shifts in the commencement of the prevailing winds hence the coming of the rains.

Heavy downpours, strong winds blowing against the backdrop of flashes of lighting and loud thunder claps are commonplace in Malaysia and such natural spectacles may startle newcomers. But that is as dramatic as it gets. Unlike neighbouring Indonesia and the Philippines, both of which lie within the Pacific ‘Rim of Fire’ where earthquakes and volcanic eruptions are perennial threats and sources of natural calamities, Malaysia is safely located on the outskirts of the aforesaid fiery zone.

Contemporary Malaysia possesses a vibrant, colourful and eclectic sociocultural scenario with scores of ethnicities, religions and cultures juxtaposing one another in harmonious equilibrium. Indigenous Malay is the predominant ethnic group, conspicuously on the peninsula with pockets in coastal settlements in Sabah and Sarawak. Two substantial minorities are the Chinese, in particular, and the Indians, in West Malaysia. Although there are Chinese communities in Sarawak, and smaller groups in Sabah, a diverse host of indigenous peoples dominated the diverse human tapestry of East Malaysia. Sabah has some 30 ethnic communities with the Kadazandusun the largest native inhabitants. Sarawak’s 20 ethnic groups are equally exotic, disparate, each unique in its respective characteristics. The Orang Asli, a generic reference to numerous aboriginal inhabitants of West Malaysia, are equally diverse with numerous communities each with its own language, beliefs, creed and livelihood.

Bahasa Malaysia, that is basically Malay, is the national language of Malaysia, the main medium in administration and education. But all other languages and dialects are allowed to be used, taught and promoted without hindrance. Similarly, while Islam is the official religion of the country, all other religions and beliefs are allowed to be practised. Therefore, it is not uncommon to witness the proximity of a mosque next to a Hindu temple that itself is adjacent to a church. Opposite the last may be a Chinese house of worship.

Malaysia is undeniably and conspicuously multi-ethnic, multi-religious and multicultural, a country wherein all communities exist alongside one another without rancour in spite of the diversity in beliefs, creed, economic livelihood, cuisine, language. Malaysia is a showcase of harmonious coexistence or unity in diversity, to borrow neighbouring Indonesia’s Bhinneka Tunggal Ika, which is a saying in Old Javanese: ‘Out of many, emerges one.’

Terms and names

Malaya at one time did not actually exist. It was appropriated from British Malaya, a magazine created specifically to inform and update British tin miners and rubber planters and colonial bureaucrats of local developments in the peninsula.¹ The Malay Peninsula, of what later in the early twentieth century came to be referred as ‘British Malaya’, or simply ‘Malaya’, comprised the nine Malay states each with its sultan and the three British Crown Colonies of Penang (1786), Malacca (1824) and Singapore (1819), which formed the so-called Straits Settlements (SS, 1826). Of the nine monarchical Malay states, there was the Federated Malay States (FMS, 1895), viz. Perak, Selangor, Negeri Sembilan and Pahang, and the remainder, known as the Un-federated Malay States (UMS), namely Perlis, Kedah, Kelantan, Terengganu and Johor. The UMS initially came into being from the 1910s following the transfer of the Siamese Malay States – Perlis, Kedah, Kelantan, Terengganu – from Bangkok to London under the terms of the Treaty of Bangkok (1909). Then in 1914, Johor, the last Malay state to finally receive a British officer at its royal court as adviser, joined the ranks of the UMS. It was the abortive attempt to get the non-FMS Malay states to join the FMS that the UMS was reluctantly created. All nine Malay states possessed a British officer (‘resident’ in FMS, and ‘adviser’ in UMS) to act as adviser to the Malay monarch.

Malaya, therefore, comprised the Straits Settlements, the FMS, and the UMS. While the former were directly administered by a Whitehall-appointed governor, the last two were sovereign native states each with its own monarch (sultan) but under British protection, hence protectorates. The nine Malay states (FMS and UMS) were ‘indirectly ruled’ by the British government through an ingenious device of advisorship based on the Pangkor Engagement of 1874.² Ingenious in a sense that the advice of the British officer – resident/adviser – must be sought and acted on in all state affairs other than matters relating to Malay customs and traditions and the Islamic faith. A single British officer was accredited to the royal court of each Malay state whereby the sultan was responsible for his emolument, residence and well-being. Hence, indirectly, the British officer was the executive and legislative power behind the takhta (throne). Moreover, Malay loyalty to their ruler was unsurpassed, a sociocultural trait the British colonial authority was quick to appropriate to its advantage. All state policies, rulings, legislations, decrees were issued Kebawah Duli Yang Maha Mulia Sultan, that is ‘in the Name of His Highness the Sultan’, with the ruler’s mohor (seal) appended. Therefore, any transgressions shall be considered a durhaka (disloyalty, treason), against the sociocultural milieu of the Malays whereby, Anak Melayu pantang durhaka (Malays abhorred disloyalty).

The Malaysia that came into being in 1963 comprised independent Malaya (1957)³ and the three British Crown Colonies of Singapore, Sarawak and North Borneo. This wider federation of Malaysia initially considered the ancient Malay Sultanate of Brunei, but for various justifiable reasons, this principality preferred to retain its status as a British protectorate.⁴ There were many controversies and widespread opposition to the formation of Malaysia when the concept was first publicly announced in mid-1961.⁵

When the British Crown Colony of North Borneo became one of the states in the Federation of Malaysia in 1963, there was a name change to its ancient reference of Sabah. Sabah occupies the northeast portion of the island of Borneo, neighbouring Brunei to its southwest.

A company (1786), a family (1841), a government (1874) and another company (1881)

The genesis of ‘Malaya’, ‘Malaysia’, dates back to the last quarter of the eighteenth century with the establishment of a British trading outpost on the island of Penang in 1786. Francis Light, an English country trader, had been active for the greater part of two decades in the coastal waters and territories of southern Siam and the northwest region of the Malay Peninsula. Although an independent, freelance trader, Light occasionally undertook commercial assignments on behalf of the English East India Company (EEIC) in negotiations with native rulers. He had tried, although it was an abortive attempt, to convince the EEIC to acquire or at least to establish a trading outpost on the Siam-controlled island of Junk Ceylon (present-day Phuket).

An opportunity was seized when the Sultan of Kedah offered the island of Penang to the EEIC in return for protection against its overlord, Chakri Siam, and also, from a formidable threat in Burma under the Konbaung. The sultan appointed Light as his wakil (representative) in negotiations with the EEIC officials in Calcutta. The EEIC was averse to political and/or military involvement in native affairs but keen on a naval station and trading outpost on the eastern flank of the Bay of Bengal against French encroachment.⁶

The Calcutta authorities deferred decision of the question of military assistance to the EEIC Court of Directors in London. Even before an answer was received from London, determined that a trading outpost be established, Light undertook pre-emptive action to land on Penang on 24 August 1786 claiming the island in the name of King George III of Britain and the Honourable East India Company. The n...