The development of international security and the conduct of war in the twenty-first century has proven highly problematic for strategy makers. The increasing number of nonstate threats, such as terrorism, intrastate wars, and transnational criminal organisations, the changing norms of intervention, as well as the blurring of lines between war and peace, have challenged strategy, both in theory and practice. Western democracies intervening in intrastate conflicts have received sharp criticism. Not only have they been criticised for pursuing the wrong strategies in contemporary conflicts, such as those in Afghanistan and Iraq, they have also repeatedly been accused of not having a strategy at all, or at least not clearly stated political goals, for the use of military force in these interventions.1
The aim of this special issue is to contribute to a better understanding of military strategy and the challenges facing Western democracies in the twenty-first century. We will do that by exploring strategy from three perspectives. The first focuses on the study of strategy, and on how our understanding of strategy has changed over time. The second perspective focuses on new areas for strategic theory, i.e., areas where the development of war has made military strategy more important, such as peacekeeping operations and cyberspace. Finally, the last perspective focuses on the makers of strategy, more specifically, on why states choses suboptimal strategies, and how wars in the twenty-first century influence strategy makers.
This special issue contains the papers of the conference on âMilitary Strategy in the 21st Centuryâ at the Norwegian Defence Command and Staff College in Oslo 13thâ14th June 2017. The conference is the fourth since the first Doctrine Conference in Oslo in 2014, the papers from which were published in the Journal of Strategic Studies Vol. 39, 2016 Issue 2. The second conference âMission CommandâWishful Thinking?â explored historical and contemporary issues of mission command. The papers are part of an edited volume published by the Royal Swedish Academy of War Sciences.
The study of strategy
Strategic Studies is a multidisciplinary and rather young academic discipline, but with roots in a long tradition of the study of strategy in military academies. Although relatively well established today,2 fundamental questions about the development and identity of the discipline are continuously debated, some of which are particularly pertinent to the development of wars in the twenty-first century.
Although strategy is usually understood as the relationship between ends and means, the nature of this relationship is frequently debated.3 One of the main questions concerns the relation between the military and political levels. At one end of the scale is Carl von Clausewitz with his understanding of strategy as âthe use of the engagement for the purpose of the warâ.4 This is usually contrasted with an understanding of strategy as the use of war for the purposes of policy, i.e., that battle is not an end in itself but rather a means to an end. The tension between the military and political levels has resulted in the development of different concepts of strategy, such as âmilitary strategyâ, focusing on the military level of war, as well as âgrand strategyâ and ânational strategyâ, focusing on the political level, including other means than military.
Another important question is whether strategy should be understood as the âinstrumental link between military means and political endsâ or as the âprocess by which military objectives and force levels are setâ.5 Both understandings have merit. Understanding strategy as the former makes us focus on how military force can be used to achieve political or military objectives. Richard K. Betts, for example, defines strategy as âa plan for using military means to achieve political endsâ.6 Other scholars understand strategy more in terms of a âtheory of victoryâ or âtheory of successâ, emphasising the causal mechanism between ends and means.7 By understanding strategy as a link between ends and means, the discussion about levels mentioned above becomes less important. It is possible to include several levels of analysis, âfrom maneuvers of units in specific engagements through larger campaigns, whole wars, grand strategies, and foreign policiesâ, Betts argues, as long as focus is on âthe linkages in the hierarchy of policy, strategy and operations, where the logic at each level is supposed to govern the one below and serve the one aboveâ.8
Instead, by understanding strategy as a process, the focus is turned to the actors conducting strategy and the relationship between them. Basil Liddell Hart, for example, defines strategy as âthe art of distributing and applying military means to fulfill the ends of policyâ.9 Who the strategy makers are, how they develop strategies and what influence their decision-making processes, are all significant questions. Here, the levels discussed above become more important. If one understands strategy as the use of the battle for the purposes of war, or âthe art of military commandâ, military commanders are the main actors. However, if understanding strategy as the use of the war for the purposes of policy, or âthe art of controlling and utilizing the resources of a nationâ, politicians become the object of study.10
A third important question concerns the relationship between strategy in theory and strategy in practice. Strategic Studies has developed in close relationship to practice. Indeed, one of the founders of Strategic Studies as an academic discipline, Bernard Brodie, called strategic theory âa theory for actionâ.11 However, with the development of strategy as a field of study outside of the military academies, the division between strategy in theory and strategy in practice has become larger. Already by the mid-1960s, Brodie admitted that strategic theory had drifted too far from the practice of strategy.12 Several scholars have expressed similar concerns, and at the turn of the century, Betts noted that many academics do not âgrasp how hard it is to implement strategic plansâ. Rationalist models of strategy, he argued, could only provide âheuristic beginnings for real strategies which, by definition, must be demonstrably practicalâ.13
In the first article of this special issue, âStrategy in Theory; Strategy in Practiceâ, Hew Strachan contributes to this debate. According to Strachan, our understanding of strategy has changed over time. Indeed, he argues that the development of war since the end of the Cold War has left us especially uncertain of what strategy means, unclear about who makes strategy, and confused about the relationship between strategy in theory and strategy in practice.
In the days of Napoleon and Clausewitz, the focus of strategy was on how to win wars. But, when wars became more complex, strategy became increasingly connected to policy. In the seminal work, Makers of Modern Strategy: Military Thought from Machiavelli to Hitler, Edward Mead Earle argues that âas war and society have become more complicated [âŚ] strategy has of necessity required increasing consideration of nonmilitary factors, economic, psychological, moral, political, and technologicalâ.14 With the introduction of nuclear weapons in the 1940s, and the increasing focus on deterrence during the Cold War, strategy became about preventing war rather than waging it. In the event of nuclear war, experiences of traditional wars were not considered important, and the use of the battle for the purposes of war became all the more distant.
Since the end of the Cold War, and especially after 9/11, Strachan argues that âthe actual experience of war has required us to re-integrate [war and strategy] in ways that had not been necessary when war was more a threat than an actualityâ.15 This has made us confused. In the absence of strategy in the wars in Afghanistan and Iraq, the military has presented counterinsurgency doctrine as strategy, rather than the tactical method it is. At the same time, politicians have become all the more involved in tactical solutions to strategic problems, for example, through the use of drones for targeting enemy leaders. As a solution, Strachan suggests that the debate needs to âbe informed by the recognition of the distinction between strategy in theory and strategy in practiceâ.16 He argues that both perspectives are required, but needs to be related to each other. He concludes by stressing the more pragmatic aspects of strategy. Strategy, he argues, âneeds to be modest about itself and about what it can deliver. It is, after all, more of an art than a science, and it behoves those who think about it and those who practice it not to be too brazen about its statusâ.17