Chapter 1
From Romance to Patrimony: Breton Culture and âOriginalityâ in the Nineteenth Century
It was over the nineteenth century that Brittany first became a place of unrivaled, though also imperiled, cultural originality. That imputation sat at the very heart of the English novelist and travel writer Katherine Macquoidâs 1877 narrative Through Brittany, recounting a summer voyage undertaken along the southern portion of the region in the company of her husband, whose drawings illustrated the text. Following upon the heels of her well-received and similarly titled 1874 travel narrative and guide to Normandy, Macquoidâs volume on Brittany traced a route leading westward from the city of Nantes into the departments of Morbihan, FinistĂšre and the CĂŽtes du Nord, permitting the author to steer well clear of the northern beaches that had become so beloved of her traveling countrymen over the preceding decades. It was, she purported, in these still âBretonâ departments, as opposed to the almost fully Gallicized eastern ones of Loire InfĂ©rieure and Ăle-et-Vilaine, that a traveler stood the greatest chance of encountering and experiencing the ânovelty and originalityâ that in her view defined the object of genuine travel. Where the âcommonplace, self-centered travelerâ in France might be fully content in pursuing the costly pleasures along the more established âGrande Routeâ leading southward and eastward from Paris to the CĂŽte dâAzur, Switzerland and Italy, Brittany exercised a more powerful allure upon the âreal pilgrim in search of new ideas, and of peaceful and often rugged beauty, freshness and originality, and above all constant variety and amusementâ. âEvery day as one travels in this fresh unspoiled countryâ, she wrote at the end of her introductory overview of the region, âone is charmed and amused by some beauty of nature or some strange and unusual sight or custom; and one feels that many months could be passed in Brittany before this pleasure could be exhaustedâ.1
Even before entering into actual description of her travel, Macquoid was marking off a domain of authentic culture and cultural experience in Brittany. As this chapter will suggest, doing so put her on a common ground with Breton social and cultural elites, who had themselves grown more inclined over the course of the nineteenth century to assert the cultural distinctiveness of their region of origin. Macquoid indeed cited the canonical nineteenth century Breton literary works as having been instrumental in the nurturing of her own fascination for Brittany, and recommended them as required reading for anyone traveling in the region and seeking to penetrate its mysteries: the romantic poetry of Auguste Brizeux, Emile Souvestreâs proto-folkloric study Les Derniers Bretons (The Last Bretons), and above all ThĂ©odore Hersault de VillemarquĂ©âs song collection, the Barzaz Breiz. For the devotees of Breton culture, whether of native or non-native provenance, to identify with Brittany was to identify with the principle of cultural integrity itself, and to do so in the face of modern conditions seemingly hostile to the archaic, the beautiful, the spiritual and the particular.
Macquoidâs own stake in that identification became fully apparent over the course of her narrative, especially as she departed at various junctures from description of historical and religious monuments in favor of engagement with the Breton population itself, which she encountered as it gathered in local costume for market days, wedding celebrations, religious pardons and other popular fĂȘtes. The retention of a rich âinner lifeâ of custom and belief by the Breton population was for Macquoid the only defense for the âBreton nationâ against âthe influx of railways and touristsâ that was already by the time of her writing beginning to effect subtle and less subtle changes in the region. Evidence of change, and the menace of cultural degradation and loss, recurred throughout Macquoidâs journey and narration: in the surprising modernity of many of the streets of the old city of Quimper, despite its location in the very heart of Brittanyâs most tradition-bound region; in the presence of a modern pier and sea wall in the Bay of Audierne at the western peninsular tip of the region, which in her view sadly compromised the picturesque âwildness of the sceneâ; in the motley array of international travelers she encountered at the inn where she was lodging in the southern port city of Douarnenez, testament to Brittanyâs emerging reputation as a destination for tourism. It was in Douarnenez, host to a burgeoning maritime industry of sardine fishing and canning, and a magnet for growing rural emigration, that Macquoid saw the clearest evidence not only that Breton costume itself was undergoing modification in modern times, but also that âmany of the old usages (were) becoming obsoleteâ.2
The drama of possession and loss that played out in the pages of Macquoidâs and other travelersâ narrative accounts made Brittany a bellwether of the uncertainties of cultural value in modern times. This chapter will trace the changing investment in Breton cultural particularity and âoriginalityâ over the course of the nineteenth century, in order to establish historical context for the emergence of modern tourism in Brittany. As I will demonstrate, notions of bretonnitude (Breton cultural distinctiveness and identity) were the product mainly of Breton and non-Breton elites, outsiders for the most part to the popular traditions they were identifying and celebrating. The dilemmas of Breton cultural originality with which Macquoid grappled became even more acute ones over the years following her account, as the French Third Republic brought new currents of change to Brittany and to rural France more generally, and engendered new expressions of regional and national identification. If by centuryâs turn a discrete and purportedly distinctive Breton cultural inheritance had been consolidated, the claims upon it were multiple and conflicting ones.
Celtisme and the Romantic Vogue for Brittany, 1789â1840
The attribution of Breton cultural difference, and even remove, became fully possible only within the historical conditions introduced by the French Revolution. In advancing the claim to sovereign nationhood, and effecting the territorial and administrative reconfiguration of France, the Revolution provided impetus to the development of new identifications of nation, pays, and, later, region.3 Neither the inhabitants of Brittany themselves nor outsiders to the region had viewed it in terms of cultural particularity during the Old Regime. The continued existence in Brittany of a provincial estate or parliament, guaranteed by the 1532 treaty of union formally integrating Brittany into France, certainly accorded the region in theory a special status among the French provincesâand provided the basis for later conservative and proto-nationalist claims to precedent for Breton autonomy. But the province as such functioned neither in Brittany, nor in other parts of France, as a pole of loyalty or identification prior to 1789. Knowledge of the region beyond its borders, even within the precincts of the monarchical administration, remained highly limited, at a time when sporadic inquiries by state officials and a limited number of Enlightenment-era travel accounts were the sole means by which description of provincial conditions reached broader audiences. It was only in the aftermath of the Revolution that there emerged an intellectual and political framework within which regions of France could come to assume characteristic âpersonalitiesâ, ones believed in many cases to be fundamentally different from, and even at odds with the capital.4
The Breton case was exemplary in this regard, as the events of the Revolution themselves were instrumental in effecting what became an enduring symbolic divide between Paris and Brittany. The regionâs notoriety as a site of counter-revolutionary insurrection and of some of the very worst violence of the revolutionary decade persisted well into the nineteenth century, shaped principally by the memory and mythology of chouannerie. These recurrent outbreaks of popular guerilla warfare under the First Republic, Empire and early July Monarchy marked not only the most sustained current of armed popular resistance to the French state, they also did much to earn the region its enduring reputation as a last bastion of loyalty to the Old Regime. Indeed, the region was far more than any other enveloped in rival revolutionary and counter-revolutionary mythologies that developed in the first decades of the nineteenth century, with these casting the region as alternately an irrational and superstitious political backwater or an heroically intransigent avatar of local popular resistance to the Jacobin state. Both tendencies found expression in Balzacâs popular 1831 novel, Les Chouans, which depicted a world of superstition and primitive recalcitrance both frightening and fascinating to its metropolitan reading public.5
The enduring hold that mythologies of Breton primitivism and resistance exercised over the course of the nineteenth century should not however obscure the new engagements between Paris and the region that arose in the aftermath of the Revolution. In line with its spatial and administrative reorganization of the country, the Revolution spurred new efforts of inquiry into the national territory and national past that made Brittany and other French regions for the first time the object of detailed study. The governments of both the Directory (1795â1799) and the Empire (1801â1815) compiled and published departmental statistiques profiling each of the newly constituted administrative territories, a project that represented the beginnings of modern state practices of information gathering vis-Ă -vis the citizenry and territory, and of formal historical preservation.6 As much as it was driven by new state agendas, early French antiquarianism was also often rooted in residual counter-revolutionary sentiment and/or reactionary Catholicism. StĂ©phane Gerson has most thoroughly analyzed the early descriptive and proto-ethnographic voyages undertaken in the French countryside in these years by traveling littĂ©rateurs, a diverse group of elite administrative and literary figures traveling in, and writing about provincial France. Across the variations in geographic focus and authorial perspective in these accounts, Gerson identifies a shared ambition to recover the bases of an order deemed to have been sundered by the revolutionary upheaval. Elaborating the geographic, historical and cultural specificity of provincial areas was, along these lines, part of a larger imaginative reintegration of the countryâalbeit one premised mainly upon a developing âParis-provinceâ binary that proved highly resilient over the course of the century. The littĂ©rateurs played a key role in helping construct the provinces as an internal other, against which an always fragile and contested French national unity could be imagined.7
This was indeed the spirit informing the first major project of inquiry and description dedicated to Brittany, undertaken by the Breton-born administrator Jacques Cambry in the regionâs westernmost department of FinistĂšre. A native of the Breton town of Lorient and governmental Commissioner of Arts and Sciences, Cambry was enlisted by the French Republic to perform a survey of property and art either damaged or confiscated in the FinistĂšre department during the civil war of the 1790s. He ultimately moved beyond the official charge of his assignment, traveling across the department and making direct appeal to local notables throughout FinistĂšre for aid in collecting stories, legends and popular beliefs from the peasant and artisan populations. His 1799 Voyage dans le FinistĂšre was equal parts official inquest and travel narrative, comprising both a statistical compilation of the departmentâs resources and existing institutions and narrative description of the area and its population. Like other littĂ©rateurs, Cambry viewed provincial cultural difference mainly through his metropolitan preoccupations and frames of reference, resulting in a depiction of the lower FinistĂšre in particular as a place of largely undisturbed cultural tradition, and an at-times startling primitivism.8 Steering a course between revulsion and fascination in his descriptions, Cambry set forth the parameters within which subsequent encounters with Brittany unfolded over much of the century.
The project of generating a fuller knowledge of provincial France, and of Brittany more specifically, took on greater momentum with the awakening of interest in Franceâs Gallic history and origins. As precursors to the Romans and the Franks, the Gauls were at the time comparatively absent from French historical consciousness and identification, nurtured as that had long been by classical texts depicting Roman victory over scattered primitive tribes. The new celtomanie (âCeltomaniaâ) of the eighteenth and early nineteenth centuries announced itself first and most fully in Great Britain, where writers and travelers generated a substantial body of narrative description on the populations and landscapes of Ireland, Scotland and Wales prior to 1800. Within France, the turn to the Celtic past was driven more directly by the need to establish new historical and affective bases of national identification following the revolutionary upheaval. The rediscovery of ânos ancĂȘtres les gauloisâ (our Gallic or Celtic ancestors), as Eugen Weber has suggested, was part of a new search for foundation myths for the French nation. Greater familiarity with Franceâs Celtic past and its identifiable remnants within the country, as too with its new panoply of heroic figures and resonant sites, provided a thread of connection to the deeper, even primordial sources of French civilization and the French state. Where Greco-Roman historical referents proved most useful in providing institutional models for the Revolutionary and Napoleonic French state, Celtic identifications continued to carry a more emotive value in the imagining of a shared French national lineage and inheritance well into the Third Republic and even beyond it.9 The main institutional expression of the new interest in Franceâs Celtic origins was the AcadĂ©mie Celtique (1804), co-founded by Cambry and others to provide support to projects of scholarly investigation of Celtic history and cultural artifacts in various areas of the country. One of the AcadĂ©mieâs first projects was to distribute questionnaires to notables in each department of the country, requesting information about historical remains connected to the pre-Roman past of their respective areas. Already at this relatively early date, provincial France was being reconceived as a repository of knowledge, artifacts and sites valuable to the nation.10
Interest in Gaul and Franceâs Celtic cultural inheritance fostered a special solicitude for Brittany, as the region of the country bearing the most visible and enduring traces of Celtic history and culture. Cambryâs and other early descriptive accounts of Brittany characterized it as a region that had managed in large measure to remain aloof to the Latin influences that prevailed elsewhere in the country, and of course above all in the capital. Though it came later to be a matter of historical dispute, t...