1
Introduction
In my first draft of this introduction, I tried to imagine a modern-day reunion of the Old Norse gods. I pictured them sitting in awkward silence in a circle, limp tea sandwiches hanging from their hands, paint peeling from the wall of their conference room, and names like LĂ˝tir and Bil markered in black onto stickers on some of their chests. In the end, I gave up. The image never really worked, not even in a fictionalised modernity in which ĂĂłrr (MnE Thor) and the other pre-Christian gods of Scandinavia walk the earth and enjoy conference coffee. Today, while the dĂsir (sing. dĂs) are largely unknowns and the ĂĄlfar (sing. ĂĄlfr) have been eclipsed by the elves of twentieth-century science-fiction and fantasy â while even Ăðinn and Loki are relatively obscure â ĂĂłrr is profiting from a cultural renaissance for medieval Scandinavian culture, judging from his frequent appearances in popular literature, music, cinema and video games (on modern appropriations of Old Norse myths, see OâDonoghue 2007, pp. 163â199). It is safe to assume he would not get invited to a divine twenty-first-century Ăžing.
Yet ĂĂłrr has changed and changed again over the centuries. Thanks to some extent to the influence of the Marvel cinematic universe, the arch-thunder god in the twenty-first-century West is blond, clean-shaven and blue-eyed, the perfect vision of what, to some of the world, is the stereotypical Scandinavian (cf. OâDonoghue 2007, pp. 130, 146, 197â198). Other modern versions differ. One of ĂĂłrrâs original Marvel artists had already portrayed the character, for a different comics company, as a ginger, bearded villain â though he was really a mobster in disguise (Kirby and Simon 1942). The authors of the Danish Valhalla comics also elected for a red-bearded Thor (e.g. Madsen et al. 1979), cleaving closer to those sagas which identify the god by the redness of his facial hair (e.g. BĂĄrðar saga SnĂŚfellsĂĄss, ch. 8; EirĂks saga rauða, ch. 8). The mythological poems that remain do not speak at all of the colour of ĂĂłrrâs hair, though he is bearded in Ărymskviða (st. 1:5).1
The prevailing vision of ĂĂłrr in popular culture differs from that of the Viking Age, and the way an Icelandic fisherman from that period conceived of the god might not have matched the account of a counterpart on a Danish island like LĂŚsø. For scholars, this is crucial. If a major part of an argument is based on an assumption â such as the idea that ĂĂłrr was uniformly thought of as a thunder god across the whole of the North â that turns out to be incorrect, then it undermines the conclusions that are drawn and may reinforce those erroneous assumptions for future scholars.
The main purpose of this monograph, therefore, is to undertake a rigorous philological dissection of medieval representations of the Old Norse deity ĂĂłrr, investigating variety in these representations and focusing in particular on thunder, the godâs most popular association in modern scholarship and culture. My hope is that from my contribution can come a more realistic and reliable model of historical conceptions of the god, giving scholars and other interested parties a sounder basis to work from.
1.1 Justifications and the limits of the study
Modern representations of ĂĂłrr revolve around two basic and arguably complementary characteristics: strength and control over thunder. The many comics and novels centred on the god take titles like The Mighty Thor, Thor: Man of War, Thunderstrike, The Adventures of Thor the Thunder God, Thor the Viking God of Thunder, God of Thunder, Thor: God of Thunder (no relation), Thor: Ages of Thunder, Thor: Blood and Thunder, The Mighty Thor, Thor: The Mighty Avenger and, of course, Thor the Thunder Cat. The (non-feline) comic-book protagonist is routinely depicted mid-hammer blow, his weapon and background bathed in silver or gold by crooked jags of lightning. Recently, a newly discovered species of shrew native to the Democratic Republic of Congo was designated the Thorâs hero shrew (Scutisorex thori) after the deity, from a correspondence between the unusual power of the shrewâs verte-brae and ĂĂłrrâs reputation for strength (Johnston 2013; Stanley et al. 2013).2
The popular conceptualisation is echoed in many academic studies of the Old Norse deity and in influential handbooks. In his Dictionary of Northern Mythology, for example, Rudolf Simek epitomises ĂĂłrr as â[t]he Germanic god of thunder, the strongest of the ĂŚsir and the giant-killer among themâ (1993, s.v. âThorâ). Hilda Ellis Davidson introduces ĂĂłrr as âthe northern thunder-godâ and refers to him later as âthunder-god and deity of the skyâ as well as âprotector of homes and the communityâ (1988, pp. 1, 135), while Jan de Vriesâs still-prominent Altgermanisches Religionsgeschichte denotes ĂĂłrr repeatedly as a Donnergott âthunder-godâ (1970, § 413, 415, 416). Mads D. Jessenâs examination of ĂĂłrrâs cognitive appeal works from the assumption that ĂĂłrr was a god of âwar and weather (especially thunder)â, citing associations like his goats and linking the godâs hammer MjÇŤllnir with the production of thunder and lightning (2013, pp. 325â327). And Martin Arnoldâs recent survey of the evolution of ĂĂłrr begins with the observation that the figureâs single ever-present characteristic is âhis devotion to protecting humanity from illâ and goes on to label him â[m]aster of both thunder and lightningâ (2011, pp. xi, 11. See also e.g. Turville-Petre 1964, p. 81; Raudvere 2008, p. 237; Schjødt 2008; and further instances could be adduced).
In the past, Lotte Motz (1996, pp. 40â41, 48, 55â57) and Ellis Davidson (1965, pp. 3, 5) have both questioned the validity, at least in Iceland, of characterising ĂĂłrr as a thunder god. Motz is particularly vehement and argues that the few connections she can find, chief among them the etymology of the name ĂĂłrr (see Section 3.1), are ânot matched by descriptions in the textsâ (1996, p. 55). The most circumspect textbooks limit themselves to an overview of the sources, rather than naming ĂĂłrr as particular kind of god: in John Lindowâs Handbook of Norse Mythology, for example, the entry on ĂĂłrr focuses on his giant-slaying on that basis, without any mention of thunder or lightning (2001, s.v. âThorâ), while another, discussing a major poem about the god, refers to ĂĂłrrâs thunder-god label as an âassumptionâ (2001, s.v. âThrymskvida (The poem of Thrym)â). Elsewhere in the same book, though, Lindow does tag ĂĂłrr as âthe thundererâ (2001, s.v. âInter-pretatio germanicaâ); the characterisation is apparently somewhat ingrained even in scholars wary of it.
The scholarly mantra about standing on the shoulders of giants remains true. Yet, every so often, researchers should peek over those shoulders to check the working out being done by the giants, and that is doubly important in cases like this, when the characterisation of ĂĂłrr as a powerful thunder god has achieved such ubiquity and is so fundamental to modern conceptions of the Old Norse god. At the same time, it is impossible, even in the time and space allotted to this book, to make a comprehensive study of the entirety of medieval and pre-medieval evidence related to ĂĂłrr. As a consequence, I am indebted to previous works of scholarship in this field, from Helge Ljungbergâs monumental though never finished Tor (1947), which collates information from many sources and a comparative perspective, through a wide spectrum of articles to Martin Arnoldâs Thor: Myth to Marvel (2011), the most recent long-form discussion in English dedicated to the god. Arnoldâs monograph follows representations of ĂĂłrr from their earliest extant forms to incarnations in twentieth-century popular culture and, while it is useful for its restatements of sensible positions taken by other scholars on early conceptions of the god, its real contribution concerns the post-medieval reception of the god and medieval Scandinavian culture more broadly.
The commentaries of most value to this book are Arboe Sonneâs Thor-kult i vikingetiden (2013) and Maths Bertellâs Tor och den nordiska ĂĽskan (2003), though they adopt very different analytical stances. Both successful in their own way, Thor-kult i vikingetiden is stridently revisionist â cynical even â in its approach to previous scholarship and to the merits of many of the sources that must be utilised to build any understanding of pre-Christian worship of ĂĂłrr. Even if Arboe Sonne overstates the case, his thesis nonetheless points to the merit of re-examining the depictions of ĂĂłrr found in pre-medieval and medieval source material to wipe away any residue left on them by centuries of academic and popular inquiry. A study of the cultural exchange behind certain mythological motifs in the literature of ĂĂłrr, Bertellâs work is more hopeful and constructive than Arboe Sonneâs. Though this book challenges the primary tenet of Tor och den nordiska ĂĽskan that ĂĂłrr was a thunder god, many of Bertellâs findings, regarding ĂĂłrrâs characterisation as a protector, for example, are complementary to my research, while the cross-cultural scope of Bertellâs work makes it a fascinating storehouse of materials that could not find room here. The views of Bertell, Arboe Sonne and many other scholars will necessarily be cited, challenged and modulated throughout this book.
Despite the limits of time and space placed on this study, it should be plain from the wide range of sources that are used whether the key motifs of thunder, lightning and strength were consistently important and, moreover, possible to evaluate variation in representations of ĂĂłrr in their textual and extra-textual contexts. Regarding these key motifs, explicit statements of a connection with ĂĂłrr will be sought. In the first instance, this is to avoid circular reasoning â attributing thunder as an underlying concept when rumbling occurs in a text, for example, because thunder is expected to be there. Secondly, if thunder was an essential ĂĂłrr attribute for the Viking Age and medieval societies that produced and transmitted stories about him, then it is natural to expect that this would be unambiguous in their texts and that an investigation would not need to be exhaustive to find it.
1.2 Vikings, religion and other controversies
The validity of terminology that will be used throughout this investigation, in particular Viking and Viking Age, has been questioned in the past (see further Ambrosiani and Clarke 1998; Richards 2005, pp. 2â6). As is the case with any attempt to assign discrete boundaries to the ceaseless processes of history, the Viking Age is a constructed aid to comprehension, though one that has achieved currency through ongoing usefulness. The convention offers a facilitative schema for research and pedagogy, if its conditionality is acknowledged and made open to ongoing re-evaluation (cf. Brink 2008, p. 5). In this spirit, the practice of marking the beginning of the Viking Age at the raid on Lindisfarne monastery in Northumberland in AD 793 and its end with the battle of Stamford Bridge in AD 1066 will be followed here, though these dates can be quibbled with according to the criteria â geographical, archaeological, linguistic, art historical, religious â used to derive them (e.g. Ambrosiani and Clarke 1998, p. 33). Viking is itself a term with uncertain origins. It can be related to the Old Norse nouns vĂking âexpeditionâ and vĂkingr âsomeone on an expeditionâ, and seems in these cases to have had a special connection with military voyages (for a broader introduction to the possible senses and etymologies, see Brink 2008, pp. 5â7). I will use Viking here in its common, extended modern English sense, in which a Viking could be any member of the Nordic peoples in this period (though, admittedly, the word can have a stress on their violent activities, which is of lesser relevance here...