The decision of a border line is not random. There are several historical, geographical and cultural tools which one can use to usually judge to whom a tract of land should belong to. Prominent amongst these are:
ā¢Crest Line Principle: The geographical feature of the highest peak in the region can be considered a natural geographical boundary.
ā¢Watershed Principle: The directions in which river waters flow down from a mountain can be used to determine a natural boundary with the understanding that the water flowing to one side of the ridge belongs to the people on that side, along with the land that it flows through.
ā¢Origin of Rivers: The origin of a river (glacier) generally goes to the side in which the river flows and this principle canbe sometimes used as yet another naturally defined boundary.
ā¢History: The country which has had possession of a land historically can in general be assumed to inherit the land in the present also.
ā¢Ancient Literature: The descriptions of various regions and their inhabitants by poets and authors of either side, could give a clue as to the historical allegiance of the region.
ā¢Religion and Language: The cultural features of the people living on the land in dispute often decide the ownership of the land. Whichever side the people identify themselves more with, to that side the land should go.
But in general any border dispute requires consideration of all these factors taken together, and border treaties are signed through a give and take compromise policy involving compensation in other areas for a side which gives up a contestable claim in one area. Generally no individual factor can alone determine a border. Some of these factors are sometimes in conflict with each other and hence an element of common sense is required to sort out this issue.
The Sino-Indian border issue is even more complicated for four reasons:
ā¢Presence of a number of parallel mountain ranges in the border area, causing a chaotic situation with respect to resolution of crestlines, origin of rivers, etc. Most of the major rivers of todayās India, for instance, have their genesis in ranges beyond the Himalayas and enter India by cutting a deep gorge through the mountains.
ā¢The history of the regions in question is curious. In various periods of time, they have been sovereign, autonomous under a central authority, suzerain under a central authority and sometimes just an integral part of a larger state. In one case, the king was even double aligned, paying taxes to two different powers.
ā¢The phenomenon of peaceful coexistence and intermingling of the cultures and races of otherwise different ethnic groups makes it very difficult to locate a cultural divide.
ā¢The British policy of changing the borderline to suit their changing needs has left a confused mess with plenty of scope for purposeful misrepresentation.
Most of the work in this area has concentrated only on the last mentioned issue. However, the geographical, historical and cultural reasons are as important to this dispute as the political ones and I will proceed to examine them in detail in the later sections. For instance, there was the battle for filling the vacuum created by the Russian withdrawal from Central Asia and British withdrawal from the Indian subcontinent. It was going on between Nehru and Mao Zedong period which is continuing till today. The Sino-Indian dispute as we know it today is just an outcome of a set of larger historical issues: power struggles between the Manchu kings of China and the British, between the Manchu kings and Russia, Kashmir and Kashgar, Tibet and China, Britain and Russia, Russia and Tibet. Thus, ignoring any one of the above factors or giving precedence to any one above the other will lead a false understanding of the situation and the conclusions derived therefore will also be false. In 1955, the ambivalence in Soviet policy was gone and they became pro-India.
Lastly, it is critical for this dispute to be resolved. The India-Pakistan antagonism would never have reached such heights but for the simmering tension between China and India. The individualistic nature of north Kashmir and Tibetan society, the unique position of the Bohra religious cult in Hunza, Shia in Baltistan, Lamas in Tibet and Mujahideen in north-west Kashmir and the exodus of Tibetans and Kashmiris of the valley have already in large parts complicated the border issue and further delay only serves to strengthen such renegade factors. The Sino-Indian border dispute is not about a few thousand square miles of land, with both nations having aims to use their border posts on the mountains as launching pads into Central Asia. Lack of a proper border treaty could egg on a second and possibly fatal war between the two powers with eye on the same apple. With both countries being poverty stricken and nuclear powers, any war will only serve to undermine the ambitions of both and at the same time, give a fillip to the Western powers. As such, the only way to solve this dispute is through an equitable barter system with a spirit of goodwill, forgetting the bitterness and prejudice handed down by the past. I will try and propose a solution logically consistent with my experiences and findings by the time one has travelled to the end of this book.
The book presents a kaleidoscopic picture of the 1962 āSino-India Warā which was lost. India was humbled. Its prestige was damaged beyond repair. China won the battle combining offensive action with surprise where as Indian Army was bewildered and was at a fix merely waiting far onslaught of enemy. Situation was rolling rapidly but Indiaās strategy was static. It could not cope with the changing situation. Procedural delays and short sighted planning mauled the higherdirection of war. Indian soldiers were brave, but the morale of Army Headquarter was so low that they got disintegrated and withdrawal turned into rout. Shortsighted directions may create a situation depicted in the nursery rhyme: āFor want of a nail, a horse was lost. For want of a horse, a rider was lost. For want of a rider, a battle was lostā.
The Indo-China border dispute is legacy of our history. The border was undemarcated, unfinalized by Britishers till 15 August 1947. It is easy to understand the ambition of the Dogras and Nehru but it was not easy to understand Chinaās state and society. It was ruled by Mao whose ideas were rooted in self sufficiency, continuing struggles, and regaining lost glory of China. Deng Xiaoping replaced the idea of class struggle with economic reconstruction, developing productive forces and realizing common prosperity. Deng had reiterated that China believed in a peaceful rise and had been reluctant to take strong positions but Xi* administration is not only proactive in foreign policy but also aggressive when it comes to Japan and India who are traditional rivals of China.
In other words Xi might continue the agenda of his predecessors but it is not an easy task at all. The global situation is changing due to the atmosphere created by terrorism and the future performances of China on these issues will clarify the meaning of both countries, India and China who are victims of perceptional differences about their borders.