Teetering on the Edge: portraits of innocence, risk and young female sexualities in 1950sâ and 1960sâ British cinema
Janet Finka and Penny Tinklerb
aSEPD, University of Huddersfield, Queensgate, Huddersfield, UK; bSociology, University of Manchester, Manchester, UK
ABSTRACT
This article explores how British social problem films in the late 1950s and early 1960s represented social anxieties around the sexuality of girls in their mid to late teens. Its analytic focus is upon the risks posed by modern social life to the teenage girlâs sexual innocence and it argues that attending to this hitherto often-neglected sexual state brings new insights to cultural histories of young female sexualities. Discussion draws upon Beat Girl (1959), Rag Doll (1960), Girl on Approval (1961) and Donât Talk to Strange Men (1962), highlighting how these films situated the figure of the teenage girl in the liminal space of child-adult and girl-woman and how this informed concerns about her sexual vulnerability. By unpicking the filmsâ different approaches to viewing and representing this liminal spaceâthrough the lenses of adolescence and young womanhoodâthe authors demonstrate how at this historical juncture the intersections of gender and age are differently emphasised and given meaning in cinematic portrayals of sexual innocence.
⌠girls start off together, have the same chances. Some go straight, others go bad.â (Beat Girl, 1959)
Introduction
In this article we consider how British cinema in the late 1950s and early 1960s articulated and worked through anxieties about the gender and sexuality of girls in their mid to late teens. There have been wide-ranging studies of social problem films from this period and their portrayal and problematisation of young womenâs sexual (im)morality, particularly around the issues of premarital sex and prostitution.1 Our focus, however, is upon films which have been largely neglected in this research, thus moving beyond well-known âclassicsâ of the social problem film genre in order to examine films in which the teenage2 girlâs nascent sexuality and adolescent immaturity dominate the narratives: Beat Girl (1959), Rag Doll (1960), Girl on Approval (1961) and Donât Talk to Strange Men (1962).3 By identifying and analysing post-war British films which have not previously been brought together as resources through which to examine representations of the teenage girl, the article has three aims. The first is to explore how the figure of the sexually innocent teenage girl was represented in a period that was arguably on the cusp of a sexual revolution4 and the second is to consider the ways in which her innocence was understood and shown to be at risk because of her adolescent vulnerability and embodied young womanhood. Our third and overarching aim is to demonstrate that by focusing on sexual innocence, rather than transgressive sexual states, new terrain in the cultural histories of young female sexualities can be exposed and established.
This period is significant for such histories because of the increased numbers of 15â24-year-olds compared to a decade earlier,5 the heightened profile and commercialisation of youth culture6 and a preoccupation with sexuality.7 Here 1950sâ concerns about young people shifted from a focus on the delinquency of mainly working-class young men to concerns about the incidence of premarital sex, which brought the behaviour of young single women into the limelight.8 These concerns were reinforced by the new educational, employment and sexual horizons that were beginning to open up for young women9 and by the declining age of marriage, which complicated perceptions of what it meant to be a teenage girl.10 Cinema engaged equally with these debates about the seemingly changing nature of female sexuality, but as Geraghty suggests, it could do so in different ways from youth professionals and policy makers; with its important role in youth leisure and courtship practices, cinema had âmuch at stake in youth and its pleasuresâ.11 Cinema sought to engage with its young audience as if it were an insider rather than a professional and adult outsider; this entailed an empathic narrative and visual representation of youth perspectives and desires that was exclusive to this media.
Our study enables us to reflect on the spaces social problem films created in modern Britain for exploring new articulations of young female sexuality in conjunction with concerns about the attendant risks to the teenage girlâs sexual innocence. It also opens up different approaches to analysing social problem films that have young female characters as their central concern. Hill and Landy, for example, focus on youth and point to the ambivalent use of the teenager in such films to represent the attractions and dangers of affluence, sexuality and the influence of the mass media.12 Geraghty explores instead representations of care and social responsibility towards younger children and what these reveal about emerging understandings of their vulnerability and psychological well-being.13 Our discussion bridges these analytic foci by highlighting how the films examined here situate the teenage girl in a problematic liminal stage between childhood and adulthood, girlhood and womanhood. This entails addressing film not only in terms of narrativeâthe beginning, middle and end of a story. It also involves considering other interpretative possibilities afforded by how the story is conveyed through film, including pleasures in the image and the use of fashionable clothes, hairstyles, the female body, music, and pop stars to augment those pleasures.14
The article is organised in five parts. We begin by introducing the cinematic context in which the films that form the focus of our discussion were produced, and set out a brief synopsis of their respective storylines. Part two then examines the inherent riskiness of being a teenage girl, exploring how different risks to her sexual innocence are represented and the ways in which these are informed by and understood through the particular socio-cultural and demographic features of late 1950sâ and early 1960sâ Britain. Such features include girlsâ increasing spatial mobility; the extended reach of predatory men as a result of new technologies; the growth of youth culture; the âfailuresâ of modern family life; and girlsâ earlier physical and sexual maturation. From this we argue that the teenage girl in these films is situated in the liminal space between childhood and young adulthood and that the gendered significance of this space for portraits of sexual innocence and risk in 1950sâ and 1960sâ Britain can be interrogated through the filmsâ use of different lenses to portray the teenage girl: the emotional and psychological vulnerability of adolescence and embodied young womanhood. To exemplify our argument, the third and fourth parts of the article approach the films through these two lenses and draw out the different analytic insights they bring to our study. In the articleâs final part, we return to the value of understanding the teenage girlâs liminality in portrayals of sexual innocence and risk in this period and how this focus opens up new dimensions in cultural histories of young female sexualities.
Cinematic context and the films
The films that form the focus of our discussion were made on the cusp of two very different socio-cultural historical periods which, as Peplar has identified, had âdistinctively different images: the 1950s of Dixon of Dock Green, austerity, the coronation and the Festival of Britain; and the 1960s of permissiveness, representations of working-class life, womenâs liberation and Swinging Londonâ.15 In framing our argument about the use of images across these films and situating them clearly in the context of their production, we are thus attentive both to Conekin et al.âs argument that the story of modern (post-war) Britain is a âhybrid affairâ16 and to the periodâs structure of feeling in which there were many tensions between the periodâs residual, dominant and emerging ideas and values.17Beat Girl, for example, portrays âmodernâ life through images of Jenniferâs avant-garde home in which there is a stark absence of warmth and comfort in the design of the house and in the familial relationships being played out there. In comparison, the representation of Jeanâs home in Donât Talk to Strange Men, released some two years later in 1961, remains redolent of 1950sâ cosy domesticity, with its log fires, chintz furnishings and affectionate parentâchild relations. However, neither of the teenagersâ homes or families is able to withstand what Harper and Porter identify as the disorder and irregularity of the modern public sphere.18 The films thus reinforce the unsettling experiences of post-war Britain.19 They show, for example, not only the excitement of youth culture in Beat Girl and the attraction of love and romance in Rag Doll, Donât Talk to Strange Men and Girl on Approval, but also the fear and anxiety engendered in parents as they seek to protect their physically mature but emotionally naĂŻve daughtersâand their sexual innocenceâfrom these powerful forces.
The films are âB-moviesâ. They were low budget and shown as support features for often more expensively produced mainstream films. Girl on Approval, for example, was screened in 1962 as a support feature for the acclaimed âNew Waveâ British film, The Loneliness of the Long Distance Runner.20 They are also products of independent film makers who were seeking to bypass what Harper and Porter identify as âthe corporate financial and moral caution exercised by the industryâs major distributorsâ and portray issues of contemporary relevance to audiences of late 1950sâ and early 1960sâ British cinema.21 In this, the film makers appear to have been successful with â28 out of the 37 most popular British movies between 1958 and 1952â being independently produced.22 Moreover, their casts include well-known and respected actors with, for example, BAFTA award-winner and Oscar nominated Rachel Roberts appearing in Girl on Approval, and Christopher Lee in Beat Girl. This is not to say that stars attracted audiences to see a film; surveys of the period were unable to âseparate a starâs appeal from the popularity of the film in which he, or she, appearedâ.23 However, the inclusion of high-profile pop stars like Adam Faith24 and Jess Conrad, who feature in Beat Girl and Rag Doll respectively, suggests a deliberate targeting of young people25 in order to increase the potential popularity of a film by exploiting the growing âcult of celebrityâ in 1950sâ Britain.26
Such a strategy was crucial since cinema admissions generally had dropped from 755 million in 1958 to 501 million in 1960 as a result of the closure of cinemas across Britain as well as the emergence of an increasingly home-oriented culture in which the attraction of television was central.27 But at the same time young people in employment dominated cinema audiences because of their spending power28 and because dating experiences often included a visit to the cinema; for example, 51% of the adolescents in Michael Schofieldâs study of sexual behaviour went to the cinema on a first date.29 In such ways cinema became part of youth culture, reinforcing its presence by profiling pop stars and including sound tracks to films that were directed at the tastes of young people and their uses of pop music âto reinforce and unify a distinctive cultural identityâ.30
However, the filmsâ narratives also encompass the âproblemsâ of being a teenage girl and, as such, are part of the social problem film genre, in that, as Landy has claimed, they combine: âsocial analysis as dramatic conflict within a coherent narrative structure. Social content is transformed into dramatic events and movie narrative adapted to accommodate social issues as strong material through a particular set of movie conventionsâ.31 Social problem films of this period also had distinctive features of social realism, which, as Raymond Williams has argued, is committed to including or emphasising âhidden or underlying forces or movementsâ.32 For the films discussed here, a realist lens powerfully illustrates the extent to which y...