In this volume, we set out to explore various trajectories of German and Australian colonial pasts; the ways in which their histories are intricately entangled, and how they have been, and continue to be, remembered, in a range of different German and Australian contexts. We use the metaphor of âexplorationâ here, quite aware of its tricky colonial baggage. In order to bring out some of the conceptual challenges of German-Australian colonial entanglements, let us begin this introductory chapter, therefore, with two vignettes about actual exploration. The first takes us to back to the year 1843, and the moment when the Prussian natural historian Ludwig Leichhardt first crossed Myall Creek in the northern reaches of New South Wales. It is a moment, we will argue, which foregrounds and helps to conceptualise some of the ambivalences and abysses of colonial entanglement. The second vignette fast forwards to our time, and to our own attempts to find traces of Leichhardt in Pioneers Memorial Park in the Sydney municipality of Leichhardt. It will foreground the aspect of remembering in the title of this volume.
1. Crossing Myall Creek
Sometime in May 1843, the Prussian explorer Ludwig Leichhardt crossed Myall Creek. He did so on extensive travels between Sydney and Moreton Bay in the Brisbane area, about a year after he first arrived in Sydney in February 1842, and about one-and-a-half years before he departed on his triumphant first expedition from Moreton Bay to Port Essington on the northern coast of the continent. The overland expedition to Port Essington was to make Leichhardt famous as the explorer who âopened upâ Queensland, and secured his standing as a celebrated natural historian both in Europe and Australia.1 His third expedition, on which he attempted to cross the continent from east to west, from Moreton Bay to the Swan River, was to make him a legend: For Leichhardt and his entire expedition team disappeared without a trace somewhere in the heart of the continent.2
In 1843, Leichhardt was not yet famous, nor a legend. He was the son of an ordinary peat inspector from the village of Trebatsch in the Brandenburg provinces who managed to secure an excellent university education in Berlin and Göttingen, and gathered further training in Paris and London. Without ever completing any of the numerous degrees he started, he decided to travel to Australia to make his name as an explorer and natural historian in the style of the famous Alexander von Humboldt. Unlike his idol, Leichhardt had none of the privileges of an aristocratic background, of membership in royal societies, or of financial means. His designs were therefore dependent on the support of the Australian landed gentry, whose interest was not in Leichhardtâs scientific discoveries, but in the uses of the land that he would cross. On the day he crossed Myall Creek, Leichhardt was on his way north to the Moreton Bay frontier, where he would soon spend eight intense months researching natural history among the local Indigenous population.3 In the months prior to this, he had spent much time around Newcastle and the Hunter Valley. There, he was hosted by one of the most influential settler families in colonial New South Wales, the Scotts. He had been introduced to the three Scott brothers during his first months in Sydney after his arrival in Australia. Among these brothers was Robert Scott, a settler aristocrat with political ambitions and a vast estate in the Hunter Valley.
When Leichhardt trailed his horse through Myall Creek on a late autumn day in 1843, he was in the process of crossing the frontier between the estates and interests of the early British colonial society, and the Indigenous communities beyond. Yet the image of Leichhardt crossing Myall Creek contains more convoluted layers of meaning. It is loaded with a symbolic significance that we think is emblematic of the ambivalences and abysses of German-Australian colonial entanglements at large, and the difficulties of remembering them adequately.
The word âmyallâ itself already speaks of that complexity: it goes back to a Dharuk (also Dharug) word from the Sydney basin, signifying âstrangerâ, originally reserved for a person from another tribe. âMyall Creekâ, however, would have received its name not from the Dharuk people, but the early white settlers. In the process of colonisation, they picked up âmyallâ and began to use it as a derogatory term for, in their racist logic, âwildâ Indigenous Australians living in traditional ways beyond the frontier. Leichhardt, it seems, was a stranger to both of these senses of âmyallâ. In his diaries, he exclusively refers to myall in the denotation that has survived to this day: as a botanical category, labelling a specific type of acacia tree in the region. This is also how his fellow botanist, Robert Lynd, used the term in an 1845 âelegiac odeâ commemorating his friend whom he (falsely) presumed âmurderedâ on his expedition to Port Essington. The ode is to Leichhardt, as much as to the âEnlightenmentâ that he inaugurated:
And be those happier times at hand â
When science, like the smile of God,
Comes brightening oâer that weary land,
How will her pilgrims hail the power,
Beneath the drooping myallâs gloom,
To sit at eve, and mourn an hour.
And pluck a leaf on Leichhardtâs tomb!4
Lyndâs image of the weeping myall trees intricately plays on both earlier connotations of âmyallâ, mourning the death of a âstrangerâ, killed by âwildâ Indigenous people. Leichardt, in contrast, was, or preferred to be, oblivious to the ambiguous connotations of the landmark that he crossed and the botany he described. At Myall Creek in particular, this oblivion is given an additional twist: For less than five years prior to Leichhardtâs crossing, Myall Creek acquired yet another connotation. It became the name of the most widely publicised massacre of Indigenous people at that time in Australian colonial history.
Myall Creek in all of its multiple signification thus invites reflection on the roads taken or not taken by Leichhardt in the face of the death and annihilation in the areas that he traversed, occurring both before him, as in the case of the Myall Creek massacre, and in the wake of his later travels in what was to become Queensland.5 Myall Creek is hence also an epistemic watershed in the sense that it marks a challenge to Leichhardtâs specific ways of knowing the land. The image of Leichhardt crossing Myall Creek demands us to question the purported innocence of the natural history approach he followed, with Humboldt as his guide, and to foreground the profound colonial entanglement of that approach.
Here is how Leichhardt himself describes crossing Myall Creek on 31 May 1843 in his diaries:
From Norrisâs to Dangarâs station on Myal Creek firstly silver-leaved ironbark ridge, then rich black earth plains with basaltic base covered with box. It has the character of Cassilis. It is a beautiful run, very vigorous grass growth.
From Myal Creek (Dangarâs station, Hunger Station) open undulating country with myal and box, oat grass, wool oats, black basaltic soil, pieces of basalt visible everywhere. The track led to a range of hills. In Myal Creek basalt, blue clay slate, thermantide, pieces of quartz. Opposite the hut basalt outcrops, commonly vesicular.6
Leichhardtâs prose is typically unspectacular; but it is a characteristic example of his way of encountering and reading the land. It is revealing of what Simon Ryan calls the âcartographic eyeâ,7 or Leichhardtâs taxonomic gaze, a gaze which immediately ties keen observation to the progressively expanding categories of the geographical, botanical and geological sciences. It is a gaze, moreover, which is split between an almost religious desire to know the world and creation â one to which he would give wing in some of his letters home8 and which would famously be portrayed and parodied in Patrick Whiteâs novel Voss 9 â and a more profane desire to measure, quantify and provide knowledge for an expanding imperial economy.10
Leichhardtâs ambivalence is deepened by the recent history of Myall Creek, of which he may or may not have been aware. At least there is no mention in his diaries and letters that a little less than five years earlier, in June 1838, at least 28 Indigenous men, women and children who sought protection at Henry Dangarâs station on Myall Creek were brutally massacred by a marauding group of twelve stockmen. The massacre itself was not a singular or extraordinary event in Australian history; in fact, it was the third in a row committed by the same group, and it was one of countless others of varying scale in the region, the most notorious being the Waterloo Creek massacre earlier in the same year. Myall Creek gained its special significance because the atrocities were reported, investigated, and brought to court. And while in the first instance, charges were dismissed against all of the defendants, seven of them were found guilty of murder in a retrial, and hanged. The second Myall Creek trial in December 1838 was the first and only trial in Australian colonial history in which white men were convicted for murder after a massacre of Aboriginal people. As such it changed relations between settlers and Indigenous Australians â not by reducing the number of killings, but by promoting more clandestine methods of murder, and a politics of silence.11
Can Leichhardt really have not known of the events at Myall Creek? Some of the bitter ironies of his silence transpire when compared with an earlier diary entry, recounting a scene in Sydney where he met an enigmatic Robert Scott. On 5 August 1842 Leichhardt records:
I saw the three brothers: [Walker Scott], Robert Scott and Captain Scott. While Walker fascinated and amused me by his kind good humour, I felt that in Robert I faced a thinking man, whose life is always directed towards the practical side, which, however, he seeks to grasp and command with his mind. He is called no other than âmad Bobâ. Why? â is not clear to me yet. [âŠ] Am I deceiving myself, if I believe that I could be of greater avail in the practical field?12
What may well not have been âclear [âŠ] yetâ to Leichhardt was Robert Scottâs key role in the Myall Creek trials. For it was none other than Robert Scott who organised the stockmenâs defence. For this purpose, Scott formed a secret association with the express aim of maintaining the legality of killing Indigenous Australians, and to which apparently most landowners north of Sydney subscribed. Scott raised 300 pounds, hired the best lawyers in Sydney, visited the accused in prison, and personally devised their defence strategy. After the triumphant success of the first defence, however, the tables dramatically turned for Scott. Following the second trial, he was stripped of his office as Magistrate and he largely withdrew from the public. The Myall Creek massacre and its legal and social effects thus rather uncannily throw into relief Leichhardtâs attraction to âmad Bobâ and his intellectually controlled âpractical sideâ. And it raises more fundamental questions about the ways in which the sciences to which Leichhardt devoted his life can be disentangled at all from those more âpractical fieldsâ of imperial conquest.13
However, is it too easy to see Leichhardt, the Prussian naturalist in a British colony, simply in terms of silence and complicity? On close inspection, Leichhardtâs diary entries between 1843 and 1844 show traces of an increasing awareness of other possibilities, and perhaps even of his own conflicted position in the imperial project. Leichhardt, one could say, symbolically crossed Myall Creek anew, the more he engaged with the Indigenous population around Durundur Station in the Moreton Bay region where he stayed between July 1843 and March 1844. He did so by acknowledging, at least in part, other ways of being and knowing the land, although he was never able to resolve the tensions between such knowledge and the universalising narratives of Western science by which he lived. Leichhardt came a very long distance in this process, a path that was hardly straightforward, but punctured, full of sidetracks, and fraught with obstacles and irritations. Due to the inadequacy of his often fragmentary diary entries, and the presence of what Robert Sellick and Marlis Thiersch identify as multiple Leichhardts in his diaries14 â the recorder, the editor, the adjudicator â this path often becomes altogether untraceable; lost in the t...