This book brings lesbian and gay issues to the centre of the debate on anti-oppressive practice. It is an accessible and practical guide to the subject for all involved in student learning, aiming to provide practice teachers and educators with tools to help students develop their understanding of the effects of heterosexism as well as providing strategies for positive practice. Part 1 considers: ¢ the social background, raising important issues about the ways in which lesbians and gay men are marginalised in society and the subsequent reflection in social work education and practice; ¢ the legal framework within which social workers and probation officers operate, drawing attention to some of the tensions and dilemmas facing practitioners attempting to develop anti-discriminatory and anti-oppressive practice; ¢ a framework within which to develop non-homophobic and non-heterosexist practice within the Diploma in Social Work, raising important issues which need to be addressed both within the academic institutions and the practice learning environment; ¢ how to facilitate students' learning in relation to anti-discriminatory and anti-oppressive practice with lesbian and gay service users; ¢ the assessment of students' competence within the academic and practice curriculum; ¢ a model of good practice in working with lesbians and gay men, offering practical suggestions which can be incorporated into existing policies and procedures. Part 2 provides practical teaching and training materials including how to organise the training session, exercises and notes for trainers. these can be adapted to reflect individual or group needs, within the practice learning or academic environment.
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There has been, over the last twenty years, an increasing awareness of inequalities in society resulting in legislative reform, particularly in relation to race and gender, which has aimed to alleviate the discrimination experienced by people on an individual level. Equal opportunities policies, with their explicit commitment to develop anti-discriminatory policies and practices for employers and service users, are now common place in agencies, and the Race Relations Act (1976) and the Sex Discrimination Act (1975) have provided legal mandates against the discrimination of black people and women. This is not to deny that these groups continue to be oppressed on a societal level; however, the discrimination they experience on an individual level is at least being addressed. Similarly, the discrimination experienced by other groups — for example, by disabled and older people — is increasingly being recognised. The situation is very different, however, for lesbians and gay men, and the belief that it is right to discriminate on the grounds of sexual orientation is not only widespread but is also sanctioned by the law.
Discrimination against lesbians and gay men can take the form of homophobia or the more common, subtle indirect pervasiveness of heterosexism with its assumption that heterosexuality is the norm. Whilst this is often unintentional, it is however no less oppressive:
Social workers and clients live in a world that hates, fears and is fascinated by homosexuality … social work … takes place in this context. (Cosis Brown, 1992, p. 216)
It cannot be assumed that social work and its institutions are immune to this dominant ideology, for as the National Association of Local Government Officers pointed out:
although social work is traditionally a caring profession this by no means guarantees that social service staff have sympathetic attitudes towards lesbians and gay men or that departments are prepared to develop positive policies. (NALGO, 1992, p. 18)
Research in the US has highlighted the incidence of homophobia among social workers (De Crescenzo and McGill, 1978; Wisniewski and Toomey, 1987); and closer to home, Trenchard and Warren (1984) reported the prevalence of anti-gay and lesbian attitudes in schools and colleges. There is no evidence to suggest that the situation is any different in universities and other higher education establishments where social workers are trained.
Social work courses are now directed to identify and challenge issues of inequality and structural oppression (CCETSW, Paper 30, 1995a); however, as Bremner and Hillin pointed out:
lesbian and gay oppression is generally not addressed in social work training and is probably the one least understood by workers. (1993, p. 28)
As a result of this lack of understanding, the traditional pathologising of lesbians and gay men still acts as a powerful influence on social work courses; and much social work training is directly homophobic (Cosis Brown, 1992). The consequences of this are far reaching, affecting both students and tutors on social work courses who may be gay or lesbian, as well as having profound implications for service users and service delivery.
In relation to service users, McMillan has highlighted the heterosexism of much of social work practice:
Sexuality at the point of assessment is rarely if ever addressed in this sense … but generally with a strong heterosexual bias. Questions concerning marriage, numbers of children and more poignantly whether the client is a bachelor or spinster still rear their ugly heads on certain forms within social service departments to this day. (McMillan, 1989, p. 31)
It is now acknowledged that at least 10 per cent of the population are lesbian or gay; yet this is ignored by social work professionals (Dulaney and Kelly, 1982). The result is that many lesbian or gay service users are discriminated against either indirectly by remaining invisible (Hillin, 1985) or directly by being denied services that are appropriate to their needs.
A recent survey carried out by the National Institute for Social Workers was concerned with identifying the causes of stress suffered by social workers; and it is perhaps not surprising that sexual orientation featured in their findings:
It is regrettable that such a high proportion of staff in a caring profession may be affected by what must be a climate of fear and prejudice in the work place, and it certainly does not bode well for the way lesbian and gay clients are received. (NISW, 1995)
The context of oppression
Social work draws upon the theoretical perspectives of the social sciences, with sociological and psychological theory providing students with explanations to deepen their understanding of human behaviour. Unfortunately, when considering lesbian and gay issues, such texts are steeped in the deviancy theory, with its emphasis on individual pathology.
Whilst the eurocentric and sexist assumptions implicit in much of traditional theory are increasingly being challenged (Dominelli and Mcleod, 1989; Hanmer and Statham, 1988; Ahmed, 1990; Ely and Denney, 1987), there remains, however, a relative silence about the pervasive heterosexism of these works.
There is clearly a need to review and reconstruct the traditional theories informing social work practice. However, whilst there may be an absence of positive perspectives on lesbian and gay issues in mainstream social work literature, there is an increasing body of knowledge and theory which challenges the deviancy perspective (Wilkinson and Kitzinger, 1993; Weeks, 1989, 1991; Kitzinger, 1987; Caplan, 1987). Whilst this work currently exists on the fringe of sociology and psychology, it is imperative that it is recognised and utilised alongside the more traditional texts. There is also much to learn from the rich vein of fiction devoted to lesbian and gay experiences, which at one time may not have been considered suitable for the purposes of academic study and professional training.
However, while there may be a paucity of literature which positively addresses lesbian and gay issues, there is now a well-developed body of knowledge and theory which recognises the nature and reproduction of oppression and discrimination (Thompson, 1993; Webb and Tossell, 1991); and an understanding of lesbian and gay issues should be located in this wider theoretical framework. Developed largely by black and feminist writers (Dominelli and McLeod, 1989; Hanmer and Statham, 1988; Ely and Denney, 1987), the theory about oppression has to be understood in terms of the structural differences in power as well as the personal experiences of oppressing or being oppressed. Whilst it is important to recognise the universal features of oppression, it is also important to acknowledge its unique and specific characteristics, e.g. of gender, race, disability, sexual orientation and so on. Numerous definitions of oppression have been formulated; however, we consider the following definition particularly helpful:
Oppression is the process by which groups or individuals with ascribed or achieved power (the oppressors) unjustly limit the lives, experiences and/or opportunities of groups or individuals with less power (the oppressed). Oppression is supported and perpetuated by society’s institutions. (NCVS, 1989, cited in Ward and Mullender, 1991, p. 23)
The institutionalised nature of oppression does not have to be explicitly repressive, rather it is manifested in a variety of subtle forms, moderating and containing conflict and defining what is seen as ‘normal’ and ‘acceptable’ through, for example, the working of the law, the media and the educational system (Ward and Mullender, 1991).
An understanding of oppression therefore must incorporate a number of layers, as illustrated in Figure 1.1. Figure 1.2 shows diagrammatically how discrimination and inequality are maintained.
It is also important to understand the correlation between various forms of oppression and the impact of multiple oppression, as Dominelli has succinctly pointed out:
Oppression can occur along any number of dimensions. Oppression on the basis of race, gender, disability, age and sexual orientation is central to our present society which is permeated by relations of domination and subordination. Individuals experiencing oppression through a number of these dimensions experience them simultaneously, not one by one. (1988, pp. 158–9)
It is essential, therefore, when considering different forms of oppression, to understand and confront them together, for to do otherwise would result in the creation of an unhelpful and misleading hierarchy.
Developments in social work education
There have been significant developments in both social work education and practice during the 1990s. Social workers are now directed to work in an anti-discriminatory and anti-oppressive way, with the concepts of empowerment and partnership being central to good practice (CCETSW, 1995a). The emphasis on competencies also marked a new departure, aimed at setting a minimum standard of ‘good enough practice’. A major review of CCETSW Paper 30 has raised professional concerns about the strength of its value base; however, the notion of the integration of anti-discriminatory values into practice remains. The revised edition of Paper 30 states that the competent social worker must:
Identify, analyse and take action to counter discrimination, racism, disadvantage, inequality and injustice, using strategies appropriate to role and context; and, practise in a manner that does not stigmatise or disadvantage …. (CCETSW, 1995a, p. 4)
Figure 1.1 A model of oppression
Source: Derived from A.K. Ohri & Associates, 1989 (unpublished)
Figure 1.2 How discrimination and inequality are maintained
Source: Derived from A.K. Ohri & Associates, 1989 (unpublished)
The paper also emphasises the need for students to identify and question their own values and prejudices, stressing the importance of respecting and valuing uniqueness and diversity.
Within professional discourse, anti-discriminatory and anti-oppressive practice are used interchangeably; however, it is important to be clear about terminology, for there is a fundamental difference between the two. The definitions offered by Julia Phillipson are particularl...