Slang across Societies

Motivations and Construction

Jim Davie

• Publisher: Taylor & Francis
• Year: 2018
• Print ISBN: 9781138558823
• eBook ISBN: 9781351364638
• Edition: 1
• Topic: Languages & Linguistics
• Subtopic: Languages
• Index: Languages & Linguistics

Slang Across Societies is an introductory reference work and textbook which aims to acquaint readers with key themes in the study of youth, criminal and colloquial language practices.

Focusing on key questions such as speaker identity and motivations, perceptions of use and users, language variation, and attendant linguistic manipulations, the book identifies and discusses more than 20 in-group and colloquial varieties from no fewer than 16 different societies worldwide.

Suitable for advanced undergraduate and postgraduate students working in areas of slang, lexicology, lexicography, sociolinguistics and youth studies, Slang Across Societies brings together extensive research on youth, criminal and colloquial language from different parts of the world.

Part I

1Linguistic data – varieties, sources and methodologies

Introduction

In this chapter, we identify the main sources providing language examples cited in the book and briefly explore how related varieties have been understood in the literature. We then briefly profile some of the methods that have been used by researchers to gather these data vis-à -vis methods generally employed by scholars working in the field.

Varieties and sources

As noted in the Introduction, this book essentially consists of two parts: (a) an exploration of certain theoretical perspectives on youth and criminal language practices, followed by investigation into the reasons for use and related attitudes of members of corresponding in- and out-groups; and (b) identification of the main linguistic manipulations found across a cross-section of varieties in a number of languages and societies.

In order to explore themes relevant to both parts, a number of varieties – all briefly profiled in this chapter – have been selected after a wide literature review. These varieties span criminal and youth language practice in a number of societies across the globe, separated both temporally and spatially, and they have been selected to support and illuminate discussion of key questions on which scholars have generally focused their attention, whether in studies of individual varieties (e.g. Grayson 1964; Chambert-Loir 1984; Grachë v 1994; Garcí a 2005; Ferrari 2006; Stein-Kanjora 2008; Einat and Livnat 2012; Eble 2014), limited comparative analyses (e.g. Chamberlain 1981; Khomiakov 1992; Vá zquez Rí os 2009; Dorleijn and Nortier 2013), or broader overviews (e.g. Zhirmunskii 1936; Sornig 1981; Androutsopoulos 2005; Beck 2010; Hollington and Nassenstein 2015a, 2015b; see also the discussion of comparability in the Introduction). They have been selected not to exemplify all youth or criminal practice in any one society but to provide sufficient information to support broad discussion and, where relevant, comparison.

As readers will appreciate, amassing and analysing such a far-reaching data set in the form of primary sources in the various languages, and supporting valuable discussion (and, where appropriate, comparison), is a far from inconsiderable task. Therefore, the accent in the book falls mainly on the use of secondary literature supplemented by primary data from the author’s own research into Russian youth language practices in the 1990s, and by altogether more recent examples from online sources such as French graffiti artists’ (taggers’) fora, to bring together and explore common analytical strands. Of course, the status of investigation of different varieties will differ: in some cases, there is a rather rich history of research into the language practices in the literature (e.g. North American and French youth language practices), and comparison and debate are readily available from within those literature sets to support broader exploration here; in others (e.g. Israeli prison language, youth language practices in Zimbabwe), the debate is less broad. However, there is value in including select examples of the latter category of (often breakthrough) studies to illuminate manipulations and motivations for use that relevant scholars have highlighted and discussed in their exploratory (and sometimes follow-up or complementary) studies, accepting that a less established literature does not mean less authoritative findings per se. In other words, where examples of language practices are effectively captured and established as representative data in less broad or developed discussion they can still be instructive, particularly to support analysis of manipulations. Of course, in this respect the use of such material is of particular relevance to the second part of the book, where similarities in the use of certain linguistic mechanisms are highlighted.

The book utilises the following sources to provide core data for discussion and analysis:

Youth, criminal and colloquial language in France

Several works have been devoted to colloquial French and to in-group youth and criminal language. In some cases, researchers (e.g. Bullock 1996) have suggested that the term ‘argot’ – often used to designate both in-group varieties – particularly refers to the secret languages of criminal gangs. However, the term has also been associated more widely with technical terminology, and also with colloquial or ‘street French’, which is also known as ‘franç ais branché ’ (e.g. Verdelhan-Bourgade 1991).

The concept and translation of the term ‘colloquial French’ have also been addressed by commentators who have pointed to many attempts to find appropriate French designations. Abecassis (2003), for example, points to how terms such as ‘franç ais populaire’ and ‘franç ais familier’ have sometimes been used interchangeably, as have ‘populaire’, ‘familier’ and ‘argot’. Furthermore, Verdelhan-Bourgade (1991) has suggested that ‘franç ais branché ‘ is not necessarily the language of the socially marginalised and need not be youth-specific; that it is seen in both verbal and written forms, including in the media; and that it has syntactic features.¹

The idea of youth language practices expressing or symbolising social marginalisation and/or opposition to dominant mainstream ideas has been explored by a number of researchers (e.g. Bachmann and Basier 1984; Mé la 1988, 1991; Goudailler 2002). One example of this practice is where lexis is created through Verlan (French urban backslang), which was initially created by socially and economically marginalised suburban youths, often with immigrant backgrounds, but has spread more widely.

When citing examples, this book draws distinctions between language practices that many French speakers perceive to index criminals and youth (not to mention their identities, values and practices) and colloquial usage, which indexes situations of use. Items cited derive from a number of sources, but in particular from the works of Mé la (1988, 1991, 1997) and Lefkowitz (1989) on Verlan; Verdelhan-Bourgade (1991) on ‘street French’, borrowing and word-formation; Mandelbaum-Reiner (1991) on Largonji and Largonji des Louché bems; Bullock (1996) on Javanais and Verlan; Sourdot (1997) on Parisian student usage across 1987–1994; Č ervenková (2001) and Goudaillier (2002) on Verlan and other forms of word-formation; Doran (2004, 2007) on suburban youth practices and identity; and Strutz (2009). Examples of graffiti containing forms popularly considered to represent colloquial French and French youth language have also been added from the author’s own collection (some of these can be seen on the book’s eResource), as have illustrations of youth language online.

German youth language

Information on the use of language practices to index German youth spans two countries and two eras. Firstly, from analysis of the youth language of the former East Germany (GDR). This comes exclusively from Joe Salmons’ (1991) article ‘Youth language in the German Democratic Republic: its diversity and distinctiveness’. Drawing largely on data derived from work with students and young teachers from about 21 to 30 years of age, Salmons analyses the social aspects of this language use, cites instances of borrowing and semantic transfer (among other processes), and points to expressivity in practice. Although he invited further study to enable broader conclusions to be reached, Salmons (1991: 23) noted that East German youth language “closely paralleled” its West German counterpart and that GDR youth speak involved complex interaction with regional language varieties and the spoken standard.

The second set of information comes from the work of Androutsopoulos, who looks at West German youth culture in the late 1990s and the first decade of the twenty-first century.² His work is wide-ranging and includes: analysis of the motivations behind youth language practices; the role of globalisation vis-à -vis hip hop (2009; see also Androutsopoulos and Scholz 2002); investigation of the online language practices of German hip hop practitioners (2007); description of fanzine style (e.g. punk fanzines) (2000a); and lexical creation in youth language (2000b). Androutsopoulos’ work on hip hop is also complemented by Cheeseman’s (1998) account of the German hip hop scene in the mid- to late 1990s.

Finally, supporting information on German youth language practices, particularly with regard to the Kiezdeutsch (‘hood German’, ‘street German’) multiethnolect – an urban youth peer variety that incorporates elements of immigrant languages to mark identity and demarcate youth from others such as adults, teachers, parents and siblings (Paul, Freywald and Wittenberg 2009) – is provided by Wiese (2009) and by Paul, Freywald and Wittenberg (2009).

The Caló of Spanish Roma ³ and Pachuco Caló

The term ‘Caló’ refers to a language variety consisting largely of Romani vocabulary and phraseology used within Spanish morphological, syntactic and grammatical structures. In this sense, it may be regarded as a mixed language.

The Roma first settled in Spain in the early to mid-fifteenth century, bringing their Romani language with them. However, their integration into Spanish society was to prove problematic. For their part, the ‘gitanos’ – as they were called by non-Roma – maintained a clearly defined sense of cultural independence and socialised primarily within their own circles and in Roma quarters (‘gitanerí as’). However, they were also variously marginalised, oppressed and forcibly integrated into non-Roma communities (Geipel 1995; Garcí a 2005; Council of Europe 2012).

In time, their Romani language mixed with Spanish – the result was Caló. This too was undoubtedly used by Roma to shape and maintain a distinct culture and identity. However, it was also used as a cryptolect to communicate beyond the understanding of others and to aid stealing and deception (Geipel 1995; Garcí a 2005). By the end of the nineteenth century, Caló had contributed many items to Spanish criminal language, together with what remained of the traditional lexicon of the criminal underworld, Germaní a. Indeed, the term ‘Caló’ became synonymous with criminal practice (Garcí a 2005; Buzek 2012). Furthermore, whether through the filter of criminal language practices or otherwise, some Caló vocabulary had also become more widely used in Spanish society, circulating to the extent that some items are now used in colloquial Spanish (Geipel 1995). As before, nowadays peninsular Spanish speakers of Caló largely use Spanish syntax and morphology with Romani vocabulary and expressions interposed. However, Geipel (1995) suggests that Caló terms can still be used by Spanish Roma to obscure meaning, emphasise Roma affiliation and/or exclude outsiders.⁴

Caló terms were also adopted outside Spain. By the first half of the twentieth century, some items appear to have spread to the in-group language of Mexican American Pachucos in the US Southwest. The precise origins of Pachuco Caló (or Pachuco) are much debated, although a strong link is thought to exist particularly with El Paso (Daniels 1997; De Katzew 2004; Garcí a 2005; Ramí rez 2006). Often linked to the 1930s–1960s in particular, the lexicon of Pachuco Caló contained items from indigenous American languages such as Nahuatl, as well as S...

Table of contents

• Cover
• Half-Title
• Title
• Copyright
• Dedication
• Contents
• Acknowledgements
• List of figures
• List of tables
• Reference boxes
• Transliteration, transcription systems and note on translation
• Guide to abbreviations
• Introduction
• PART I
• PART II
• Index