Gender and colonial space

Sara Mills

• Publisher: Manchester University Press
• Year: 2013
• Print ISBN:
  9780719053368
• eBook ISBN:
  9781847795212
• Topic: Social Sciences
• Subtopic: 20th Century History
• Index: Social Sciences

Gender and colonial space is a trenchant analysis of the complex relation between social relations – including notions of class, nationality and gender – and spatial relations, landscape, architecture and topography – in post-colonial contexts.

Arguing against much of the psychoanalytic focus of much current post-colonial theory, Mills aims to set out in a new direction, drawing on a wide range of literary and non-literary texts to develop a more materialist approach. She foregrounds gender in this field where it has often been marginalised by the critical orthodoxies, demonstrating its importance not only in spatial theorising in general, but in the post-colonial theorising of space in particular.

Concentrating on the period of 'high' British colonialism at the close of the nineteenth century, she adroitly examines a range of contexts, looking at a range of colonial contexts such as India, Africa, America, Canada, Australia and Britain, illustrating how relations must be analysed for the way in which different colonial contexts define and constitute each other.

1
Introduction

A place on a map … is also a locatable place in history. (Mohanty, 1991: 34)

The aim of this book is to interrogate the process whereby spatial relations are constituted as gendered, raced and classed within the colonial and imperial context. I will be examining the way that certain forms of spatiality are institutionalised and normalised. My focus is principally on the period of ‘high’ British colonialism at the end of the nineteenth century. The reason for writing the book is not an archaeological exploration of a historical period, but is rather an attempt to understand something of the nature of the spatial relations which operate within post-colonial Britain and in other countries at the present time, formed as they are through the matrix of conflicting forces, which circulate in the wake of colonial relations. The book examines a range of different colonial contexts – India, Africa, America, Australia and Britain – in order to discuss why spatial relations cannot be examined in isolation, but must be analysed for the way in which different colonial contexts define and constitute each other. By this, I mean that the way colonial and imperial relations operated within one particular country both can and cannot be considered to be generalisable to another context. The way that the British organised their administration, for example, in India was very different from the way that it operated in Africa and, therefore, each context must be considered separately, particularly since the way that colonialism was organised changed over time because of developing economic and political interests both within the country and in Britain. However, the fact that colonial models that were developed within one context were very often transferred wholesale to other contexts, and that administrators and officials in, say, India were later employed in similar roles in other colonised countries led to structural similarities in seemingly different colonial contexts.

Conventionally, a distinction has been made between colonial (all forms of settlement involving appropriation of land and power by foreigners in another country), and imperial (other forms of appropriation or exploitative trade with others, based on an imbalance in power relations). I take Catherine Hall’s definition of colonial and imperial here to be the most useful:

I use colonialism to describe the European pattern of exploration and ‘discovery’, of settlement, of dominance over geographically separate ‘others’ which resulted in the uneven development of forms of capitalism across the world and the destruction and/or transformation of other forms of social organisation and life. I use ‘imperialism’ to refer to the late 19th century/early 20th century moment when European empires reached their formal apogee. (Hall, 2000: 5)

Post-colonial theorists often seem confused about what they mean by colonialism and imperialism and when they think either begins and ends. Annexation and invasion is characterised by most post-colonial theorists as the archetypal colonial/imperial relation but Clark argues that annexation was not prevalent even in the period of high British colonialism of the late-nineteenth century (Clark, 1999). Bayly has criticised the tendency for historians and post-colonial theorists to concentrate on the period of so-called ‘high’ imperialism, as he argues that ‘the value of the territorial spoils of what is usually considered the age of “high imperialism” in Africa, the Far East, and the Pacific Ocean after 1878 were relatively small compared with those appropriated during the earlier imperial deluges. Yet paradoxically the imperialism of the later 19th century has absorbed most of the energies of historians and social theorists’ (Bayly, 1998: 28). Furthermore, many post-colonial theorists seem unaware of the extent to which Britain’s colonial policies were developed in relation to other Western countries, rather than being formulated as policies relating to the colonised country itself. This is apparent not only in the context of political situations where that rivalry was clearly displayed, for example in the so-called ‘Race for Africa’ and the ‘Great Race’, which developed along the borders of India, but in the very constitution of the type of colonial rule that Britain constructed can be seen the traces that were clearly ‘not-French’, ‘not-Spanish’, as much as something constituting a particularly British form of colonial rule.

My interest in the question of spatiality within the context of colonialism and imperialism stems, firstly, from my earlier work on women travellers within the colonial context (Mills, 1991). My concerns have now broadened to include the interactions between the social systems in Britain and within colonised countries in order to understand the way that British women travellers, settlers and workers in the colonies and women within Britain were constrained by and negotiated with a range of spatial parameters. These spatial constraints were constantly being redefined in relation to one another, and in relation to other perceived agencies with different spatialities: British males and females both in the colonised countries and at home; indigenous males and females. They were also being refined by being tested out in relation to a range of different locales, within both the colonised countries and the home country – the domestic setting of the bungalow, the public space of the colonial architecture; the British expatriate club; the pioneer log cabin; the closeted Victorian interior of domestic space; the harem, and so on. It is both the generality of this process of working out spatiality in relation to other locales and subjectivities, as well as the specific instances which interests me. I am not simply interested in British women’s subjectivity and negotiation of spatial constraints; in order to understand and delimit these, it is essential to understand the way that these constraints themselves were constituted in relation to other subjectivities and cultural values. In my work on women travellers I found that spatial relations were not simply imposed on individuals, but that they were constantly affirmed, modified and transgressed. Thus, although the idea of what was possible in relation to movement and travel were felt as very material constraints on British middle-class women’s behaviour within the nineteenth century, yet there were many women who did break through these barriers and challenge perceptions of what was socially acceptable. Middle-class British women were constituting themselves and being constructed as particular gendered, raced and classed individuals through their challenging of the rules concerning their movement in the public sphere.

This book also developed from an interest in gendered perspectives on landscape, spatial relations and travel. Having lived in a variety of different environments, in different countries, I have become very aware of the way that one’s relationship with place and spatial relations to others is a complex negotiation between the physical setting itself – the architecture, the topography and the way they are coded in relation to power – and the types of behaviours that we imagine are appropriate to that context. Gender is a salient factor for a lone woman in a landscape or cityscape, and has an effect on one’s behaviour and the perceptions of others: from being hassled with ‘street compliments’ in Moroccan cities to being seen as fair game when walking alone in the wastelands of central Glasgow. When one is alone in the countryside, whether simply walking or living in relative isolation, one’s gender is a constant point of reference. It is for these reasons that I have decided to interrogate the way that gender informs and constructs those experiences. In some senses, its main aim is to demonstrate that all of these practices have a history. Rather than assuming that one simply sees a landscape and characterises that particular organisation of sensory information as natural or inevitable, the type of analysis that I develop here is focused on the defamiliarisation of these seemingly obvious practices, in order to trace the role that colonialism has played in the development of certain types of gendered, raced and classed behaviours, in relation to viewing, knowing and experiencing spatial relations.

It is precisely not simply gender in isolation that I am concerned with here; the classed and raced nature of gender affects the way that space can be inhabited and spatial relations experienced. Clearly, also, the way that gender in these particular situations operates is very much a result of Western conceptions of landscape and spatiality, which differ markedly from other models. For example, in Morocco, when walking through the countryside, Westerners are often asked, ‘Where are you going?’ and ‘What are you going to do there?’ to which the answer, ‘I’m just going for a walk’, does not seem to satisfy anyone. The very idea of walking in the countryside as a leisure activity rather than, for example, walking to a market or to a relative’s house is a very historically and culturally specific practice as Wallace has demonstrated (Wallace, 1993). She argues that it is only when fast, relatively cheap transport became available to the working classes in Britain that walking became a leisure activity for the middle classes, and this change removed ‘walking’s long-standing implication of necessity and of poverty and vagrancy’ (Wallace, 1993: 10). Furthermore, although travelling for Westerners seems to be a self-evidently ‘obvious’ form of behaviour that has become institutionalised by the tourist industry, and although, for many of us, nineteenth-century women travellers seem as if they are challenging certain notions of what Western women could achieve within the Victorian period, this ability to travel is predicated on a certain class and status position and the institution of colonialism – factors which are often ignored. My aim is, therefore, to bring those seemingly hidden elements to the fore and to explore the relations between certain types of actions and spatialities, rather than assuming that they simply occur in isolation.

Post-colonial theory

I draw on post-colonial theory to a certain extent in this book but feel that it is essential to separate off my work from the mainstream. The direction of much work in post-colonial theory within literary/cultural studies, drawing as it does on psychoanalytic theory, is theoretically fascinating, yet it is clear to me that it is the politics of the post-colonial situation which impels me to write. As San Juan states in his critique of the often apolitical nature of post-colonial analysis: ‘post-coloniality is, for some, whatever you want to make of it that will allow individual compromises and opportunisms to flourish’ (San Juan, 1999: 2). I wish to be critical of the colonial situation and the post-colonial condition, not simply in order to blame individual actors or to claim that British colonialism was immoral, since this seems politically fairly meaningless, but to foreground the fact that colonialism is predicated on the use of force to appropriate land and resources. It always involves violence, and no matter what the motivations of the colonisers are, it always entails injustice. This appropriation of land and struggle over land ownership is one of the key elements in colonialism and it is inevitable that it has an impact on spatial relations. Furthermore, it is clear to me that certain colonial views are still circulating anachronistically to justify discrimination now, and that must be challenged. Within post-colonial theory there does not seem to be scope or even a basis from which such a critique might be enunciated. The use of psychoanalytical theory makes discussion of the political almost impossible, since it is concerned with psychical processing not political motivations and forces. Furthermore, psychoanalytical theory has a tendency to be ahistorical, which is surprising given that the settings analysed are those where the economic and political facts of the context vary widely, and it is these factors that make for differences in individual and national self-determination.

Psychoanalytical theory does not give a real sense of what the colonial is in material terms. Colonialism is clearly a range of different systems depending on the contexts in which it is played out; there are a number of agencies involved and different motivations, which meet with different forms of resistance and collaboration. As McClintock has argued, we need a form of post-colonial theory that can describe and be critical of colonial rule as a whole, say, within South Africa, India and Australia, without assuming that all of these contexts will produce a similar sort of colonial relation (McClintock, 1995). The situation in the so-called ‘white’ colonies such as Australia, Canada and the USA clearly differs from the colonisation of other countries such as India and Africa. However, rather than simply focus on the latter countries, as many post-colonial critics in both Britain and America have done, I have decided to try to challenge some of those certainties of what colonialism is, by comparing these colonial contexts.¹

Like many critics working in the field of colonial and post-colonial discourse theory, I have felt politically committed to work on colonial material, because of an awareness of the way that colonialism still has far-reaching effects on the way societies and social structures are organised (see Young, 1990, 1995; Williams and Chrisman, 1993; and Ashcroft, Griffiths and Tiffin 1995 for general surveys). However, the use of psychoanalytical concepts within this type of theoretical work is so ingrained that it is difficult to engage in theoretical debate without, of necessity, having to redefine or reinflect the usage of certain terms to allow a more materialist analysis to develop. My principal objection to the reliance on psychoanalysis in the analysis of colonialism is that the specificity of the colonial context and the materiality of invasion, discrimination, murder, rape, expropriation of land and also of resistance are erased. Instead of these material conditions being the focus of attention, within post-colonial theory, stereotype and fantasy have become the dominant realms of investigation. Thus as Ryan puts it, within psychoanalytical views of land appropriation and subsequent models of landscape, ‘we come to a view of landscape penetration as adolescent sexual fumblings’ (Ryan, 1996: 204).

While it is clear that fantasy, desire and stereotype are crucial for an understanding of colonial relations, psychoanalytic models cannot account for the differential access to stereotypes/fantasies which people have, and the differential use that they make of them. Nor does psychoanalytical post-colonial theory seem to be concerned with the different functions that stereotypes serve, nor with the different meanings attributed to them by individuals and groups. Furthermore, this form of analysis attributes too great a stability to these stereotypes/fantasies, even while arguing for their ambivalence (Bhabha, 1994). While it is more difficult to describe stereotypes without recourse to psychoanalytic theory, following Voloshinov, fantasy, and indeed the unconscious itself, should be seen to develop in reaction to and negotiation with material conditions (Voloshinov, 1976).

In focusing attention on the colonial psyche, as if there were a stable national psyche, we risk ignoring the political and economic bases (and Mighall would argue the geographical and historical bases) on which individuals within colonial institutions were constructed (Mighall, 1999). Rather than thinking of national identity and subjectivity as a whole, I describe the parameters within which individuals managed to construct subject positions for themselves, which consisted of a changing set of positions in relation to changing notions within British society and colonial society of what behaviour was thought appropriate.

Post-colonial theory often describes the colonial state as if it were a monolithic entity, as if in fact it were an individual, with a fully thought-out programme of actions and intentions; in this way, we are unable to analyse the type of instrumentality which develops from power bases that cannot be reduced to the level of an individual psyche or a national psyche. Clark states that ‘post-colonial criticism has favoured the textual model of imperialism as a malign system constituted by diffuse and pervasive networks of power … [and texts display the bad faith of their authors]’ (Clark, 1999: 3). He therefore asks, ‘Is this true, say, of the missionaries and does it not posit a degree of foresight that is belied by the sheer ramshackle nature of most colonial beginnings?’ (Clark, 1999: 3).

It is clear that colonial institutions have a form of intentionality which exceeds the decision-making and desires of the individuals working within them; and wider political decisions are often made not on the basis of an informed rationality, which is the way that policy decisions are generally portrayed, but rather because of political machinations within those institutions which amount to individual jockeying for power and influence. Clark comments that within much post-colonial theory: ‘the practical and intelligible decision-making processes of imperial elites are replaced by highly abstract and monocausal explanations whose plausibility reduces in proportion to the amplitude of their claims’ (Clark, 1999: 8). In addition, Cooper and Stoler have argued that

colonial regimes were neither monolithic nor omnipotent. Closer investigation reveals competing agendas for using power, competing strategies for maintaining control, and doubts about the legitimacy of the venture. It is not clear that the idea of ruling an empire captivated European publics for more than brief periods or that a coherent set of agendas and strategies for rule was convincing to a broad metropolitan population, any more than the terms in which regimes articulated their power inspired awe or conviction among a broad range of the colonised. (Cooper and Stoler, 1997: 6)

In a similar way, Bayly argues that the territorial expansion of the East India Company in the eighteenth and nineteenth centuries was largely motivated, not by grand colonial schemes, but by the need to finance its army, as by annexing territory it could take over the rents paid by peasants to landlords, but the very act of appropriating land meant that it needed military protection: ‘The central thrust of British empire-building … was determined by the needs of local military finance and provision and by the tensions and resistance this created in indigenous societies’ (Bayly, 1998: 35). Colonial policy was thus either formulated in reaction to local conditions or was determined by the complex local exigencies of British party politics. For example, policy was often determined by the British ruling party’s attempt to win votes at home, either by increasing colonial expansion and thus appealing to the jingoistic elements within the population, or by arguing for a reduction of colonial expansion and appealing to those who were concerned about the expense of maintaining an empire.

In trying to describe alternative models of imperial involvement, Peter Hulme’s work must be borne in mind, for he has significantly influenced other work on colonial discourse (Hulme, 1996). In opposition to Said’s rather monolithic and continuous view of imperial intervention, Hulme stresses the fact that when examining colonial discourse, ‘no smooth history emerges, but rather a series of fragments, which read speculatively, hint at a story that can never be fully recovered’ (Hulme, 1986: 21; Said, 1978). This move towards a certain suspicion of our own acts of interpretation is important, especially since work such as Said’s seemed to take it for granted that certain texts have a clear and unequivocal meaning. Instead, Hulme sees texts less as displaying their meaning in their surface structure, than as constituting palimpsests, made up of a variety of conflicting and contradictory discursive frameworks. Hulme’s work allows us to examine the variety of discourses that were produced within different colonial settings and periods.

Just as Pratt in her early work was intent on revealing the differences within the narrative voices in travel writing, identifying not a single unified adventuring hero voice but different styles and effects, Hulme is also keen to assert the differences within the process of Othering (Pratt, 1985). Hulme examines the types of discourse generated within the Caribbean during the first colonial encounters and he identifies two very different discursive frameworks for describing the indigenous peoples: what he terms ‘the discourse of Oriental civilisation and the discourse of savagery’ (Hulme, 1986: 21). Thus, some groups of inhabitants are revered as the equals of the Western invaders and some are stigmatised as barbarous. As Hulme shows, this difference cannot simply be accepted as being an accurate description of the groups’ characteristics, but often reflects the type of response to Western presence which was elicited from the group and the degree to which each of the groups accepted the imposition of colonial rule.

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Table of contents

• Cover Page
• Title Page
• Copyright Page
• Contents
• Acknowledgements
• 1 Introduction
• 2 Colonial subjectivity, gender and space
• 3 Knowing and viewing landscape
• 4 Public and domestic colonial architecture
• 5 Indigenous spatiality within the colonial sphere
• 6 Conclusions
• Bibliography
• Index