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Catholicism, the Gothic and the bleeding body
The visions that proliferated in Europe during the thirteenth to fifteenth centuries became increasingly bloody [âŚ]. Such intense visualizations of blood were also enacted in rituals and in bodies. Christ figures used in the liturgy to perform the events of Passion Week were sometimes outfitted with bladders of animal blood that could be punctured at appropriate moments to display Jesusâ bleeding before the faithful; cruets for eucharistic wine survive in the form of Christ images with spouts where the wounds occurred. From the thirteenth-century on, bands of flagellants roamed Europe, tearing out of their own flesh the suffering and joy of union with Christ.1
Caroline Walker Bynum, Wonderful Blood (2007)
The wounded body is a leitmotif of the Gothic novel and central icon of the Roman Catholic Church, which has perpetuated images of crucifixion, martyred saints, bleeding statues and mystic stigmatics. Sacred art depicts an iconography of suffering, as in devotions to the Sacred Heart of Jesus in which Christ holds his fiery wounded heart wrapped in thorns, dripping blood and surmounted by a cross. His bleeding body has been emulated by penitential flagellants, stigmatics and martyrs. This imitatio Christi has a certain affinity with the Gothic. The Church has readily supplied Gothic novelists with cowled monks, lustful priests, immured nuns, confessionals and secret tribunals, while the Gothic settings of cathedrals, cloisters, convents and crypts evoke the medievalism of an earlier world view replete with superstition, feudalism and antiquity. This chapter will look at how Gothic literature has drawn not only on the repressions of the Inquisition, but also on anti-Catholic movements from the English Reformation to the French Revolution, with particular reference to Horace Walpoleâs The Castle of Otranto and Matthew Lewisâ The Monk. Attention will be given to a neglected reading of Walpoleâs novel as a satire of Henry VIII, while Lewisâ Bleeding Nun, who is resurrected in later works, will be seen to represent aspects of the Reign of Terror in revolutionary France.
Many critics regard the Gothic novel as traditionally anti-Catholic and even indicative of a deep-seated prejudice against the Vatican. The first critic to make this really explicit was J. M. S. Tompkins, who insisted: âthe prejudice against Catholicism, or, more particularly, against priests and monks, the âanti-Roman brayâ ⌠is heard at its loudest in both the English and the German novels of terrorâ.2 Voices dissenting from this creed include Montague Summers, who insisted that âit is folly to trace any âanti-Roman feelingâ in the Gothic novelâ.3 Mary Muriel Tarr has argued that the most important function of the Catholic materials she surveyed in 121 Gothic works was to serve as a source for the sublime.4 Maria Purves, however, goes further by maintaining that the majority of Gothic novels, despite having been written and read by Protestants, are not actually anti-Catholic. She also points out that society during the eighteenth century was more sympathetic to Catholics than previously supposed, even though Catholic Emancipation did not come into force in Britain and Ireland until 1829. The eighteenth-century picture is complicated by the forces of anti-Catholicism that helped unify Protestants in the face of Dissent, as well as Catholics and Protestant Dissenters being âuncomfortably alliedâ against the Anglican establishment.5 By the 1790s, the Jacobin threat had supplanted anxieties targeted at the Catholic as âthe hated otherâ.6 Within the Gothic novel, even overtly negative literary representations of Catholicism invariably prove to be less of an attack on the Catholic Church than a means of opening up subversive ways for critiquing secular hegemony and repressive governments.
There is no better expression of Catholic horror than the Inquisition. With its torture dungeons and black-habited Dominicans, the Inquisition was a thing of darkness waiting for the instruments of Gothic terror. Notorious as an organ of persecution in Catholic countries, the Holy Office is a familiar trope in early Gothic fiction, providing novelists with a hooded opportunity to portray the alien Other nearer home. The Inquisitionâs reputation for inflicting pain on its victims virtually institutionalised the Christ-like torment lying at the heart of the religion. The ingenuity with which many Catholics appear to relish suffering has been a mystery to their Protestant counterparts. The Passion of the crucified Christ and shedding of his sacred blood gave rise to a number of Catholic devotions. But it is how this veneration was inscribed on the bodies of devotees in the form of bleeding wounds that demonstrated for detractors the extent of the perversity and fanaticism of devotees. The holy stigmatic, through which the wounds of Christ manifest physically, mainly on the bodies of pious women from the Renaissance onwards, was a phenomenon that, it will be argued, has been Gothicised by novelists from Lewisâ Bleeding Nun in The Monk to Bram Stokerâs vampires. These demonic stigmatics are a sublimation of the horror and awe surrounding the crucifixion through which the bleeding body appears at its most sublime.
THE GOTHIC NOVELâS CATHOLIC LEGACY
Catholicism is a living reminder of a medieval past. The verticality of the Gothic cathedrals rising up throughout Europe from the Middle Ages to the sixteenth century inspires awe and sublimity. Their pointed arches, ribbed vaults, flying buttresses and stone gargoyles furnished Gothic novelists with suitably atmospheric settings. These churches memorialise a pre-Reformation Britain, pre-dating Henry VIIIâs Act of Supremacy (1534), through which he established himself Head of the Church of England, but it was at an incalculable human cost. Monastic orders were left destitute. Rebellions against Henryâs destruction of the Roman Catholic Church in Britain were ruthlessly suppressed. These included the execution of around 200 Catholics for treason following the Pilgrimage of Grace, a popular uprising in the north of England in 1536. Those resisting Henryâs religious reforms were subjected to torture, beheading, hanging and burning, while some monks were hanged, drawn and quartered and executed by enforced starvation. In Raphael Holinshedâs Chronicles (1577â87), estimates of the deaths run into the thousands. Even though the accuracy of the chroniclers was notoriously unreliable, such statistics served as a form of propaganda for anti-Catholic persecution, which lingered across the centuries. The horrors of this bloody episode in British history and the shock waves from the break with Rome vibrate through The Castle of Otranto, whose author, Horace Walpole, regarded Henry as a bloody persecutor.7 Yet the novelâs chief legacy has been in providing future authors with an urtext for the Gothic novel. Walpole was also a pioneer in the eighteenth-century architectural Gothic revival. His aspiration for Strawberry Hill, his Gothic home, was for it âto have all the air of a Catholic chapel â bar consecration!â8 As he explained, âmy house is so monastic that I have a little hall decked with long saints in lean arched windowsâ.9 With its chapel proclaiming âall the glory of poperyâ,10 Walpoleâs house was a veritable shrine to Catholicism, which he referred to as âMy gothic Vaticanâ.11
Walpoleâs admission that The Castle of Otranto was inspired by Strawberry Hill is not imparted to readers of his first preface.12 He states falsely on the title page that it was written in Italian by Onuphrio Muralto, a Roman Catholic Canon, and translated by âWilliam Marshal, Gent.â The deception continued when he explained that it was printed in Naples and probably first written between 1095 and 1243. In his first preface, the accredited father of the Gothic novel has aligned himself with a fictitious Church father and adopted the false persona of editor. When the story âfirstâ appeared, as Walpole explains:
Letters were then in their most flourishing state in Italy, and contributed to dispel the empire of superstition, at that time so forcibly attacked by the reformers. It is not unlikely, that an artful priest might endeavour to turn their own arms on the innovators; and might avail himself of his abilities as an author to confirm the populace in their ancient errors and superstitions. If this was his view, he has certainly acted with signal address. Such a work as the following would enslave a hundred vulgar minds, beyond half the books of controversy that had been written from the days of Luther to the present hour.13
The âempire of superstitionâ under attack from the Protestant Reformation was the Roman Catholic Church. Walpole warns of how a wily Italian priest could succeed in undoing the effects of Martin Lutherâs reforms and turn his readers back into Catholics. Here a fake document of the Counter-Reformation is conflated with what would become a template for the Gothic novel. Walpoleâs criticism of the Church as a pedlar of âancient errors and superstitionsâ is ironic as he, himself, imparts, like an âartful priestâ, such wares to his readers, with the mendacious assertion that âI cannot but believe, that the ground work of the story is founded on truthâ (p. 61). Like the writer of fiction for whom fabrication is an occupational asset, Catholicism, which prided itself on being the one true Church, was tainted by the misuse of casuistry.14 In his second preface, Walpole confesses the deception to his readers.15 According to Robert Miles, Walpoleâs âimposture was meant to be transparent: as a pro-Catholic text Otranto is clearly self-subvertingâ and âis not about, is not a defence of, or an attack on, Catholicism. It is really about legitimacy, or rather the lack of it.â16
While the question of legitimacy is central to the novelâs main plot, it also informs a religio-political subtext relating to the Reformation. Lutherâs action in posting his 95 theses against Rome on a church door in Wittenberg was an affront to Catholic apostolic succession. In turn, he accused Rome of being the usurper of temporal rights. Walpoleâs novel revolves around the genealogy of an ancient Neapolitan line, which has been usurped by Manfred, who is now Prince of Otranto. Miles sees the plot and prefaces as a âverbal fugueâ on legitimacy.17 This he believes to be intricately connected to the figure of the Catholic and the Glorious Revolution, which saw the peaceful overthrow of the last English Roman Catholic monarch, James II. The unsettling effects of the Act of Settlement of 1701, ensuring a Protestant succession to the throne, ripple through the inheritance-related plots of early Gothic novels. Walpoleâs condemnation of Manfredâs usurpation and celebration of his overthrow at the end of the novel is read by Markham Ellis as tacit acceptance for the usurpation of Catholic James by Prote...