The death of King Robert of Naples, the Count of Provence, was a precarious moment. His sons were dead, and a host of powerful lords had claims to the throne. Despite the strategies set out in King Robertâs will, decades of violent political machinations emerged from this moment. For many witnesses in Delphineâs canonization inquest, King Robertâs death was the root of the first two chronological moments of danger: the narrowly averted civil war in Provence and the first mercenary invasion.1
The witness who provided the most insight into the death of King Robert in 1343 and the immediate transfer of political power was not a cardinal or a nobleman. Instead it was Delphineâs maid, Bertranda Bertomieua. As Delphineâs companion for almost fifty years, Bertranda lived with Delphine in Naples in 1342 and 1343 when Delphine was a guest of Queen Sanxia. Bertranda experienced the events in Naples neither from a political insiderâs view nor from the birdâs-eye view of the historian. She brought instead the personal perspective of a member of Delphineâs household.
Bertrandaâs testimony is a useful reminder that each witness in the inquest not only brought his or her own perspective to events, but they also saw different events. A witness like Bertranda saw what happened where she lived and to the people she knew. And through her individual background, her testimony gives us access to a specific political, social, and cultural moment. Members of the papal or royal courts, for example, would have presented events differently than she did. They had different experiences and information to draw on. Bertranda, as our closest vantage point in the inquest to King Robertâs death, had a perspective shaped by her respect for Delphineâs sanctity and her concern for Delphineâs safety and reputation. She valued those who imitated and respected Delphine and critiqued those who did not, even if this meant subtly critiquing Robertâs heir, Queen Johanna of Naples. We can use her testimony to understand the roots of two chronological moments of danger that witnesses faced. At the same time, we can also use her testimony as an introduction to what it meant to testify in this canonization inquest.
Bertranda Bertomieua as a Witness
Unlike the majority of witnessesâwho were significantly younger than Delphine and had only known the holy woman for fifteen to twenty yearsâBertranda had been Delphineâs companion for almost five decades. She had entered Delphineâs household shortly before Delphineâs husband Elzear died in 1323 and lived with Delphine afterward. Bertranda slept in the same room as Delphine, ate with her, and traveled with her. From Bertrandaâs testimony, we learn about Delphineâs private moments away from the eyes of various courts and convents. Bertranda gives an intimate view of Delphine as a wife. She described how Delphine and Elzear had practiced an intimate chastenessâlying in bed together as a married couple should, but remaining clothed. She even described how Delphine washed and cut Elzearâs hair.2
Bertranda was an observant person, who, through Delphine, had spent years attached to the royal household in Naples and Provence. She saw how Elzear and Delphine had been close to the royal couple. King Robert had made Elzear Count of Arianoâa region close to the city of Naplesâand depended on him as a political adviser who could handle difficult tasks with fairness. Elzear brought Delphine from Provence to live in Robert and Sanxiaâs court in Naples in the early 1300s. Delphine and Elzear were considered a pious couple and critiqued by some for having a court more like a monastery, in which they discouraged displays of wealth and activities such as dancing or gossiping.3
Most importantly for this study, Bertranda was present in Naples when King Robert died in 1343. Within Bertrandaâs poignant description of Countess Delphine as a caring, pious, and defiant woman, we also see a world of political instability. Her testimony about events in Delphineâs life in 1343 reveals her impression of Naples and the royal court. Bertranda described how Delphine was insulted and threatened in the streets of Naples. But she also described how Delphine was welcomed into Sanxiaâs court and solved problems even King Robert could not solve.
We must keep in mind, however, that the stories Bertranda told as an inquest witness in 1363 were shaped by the twenty complicated years that had passed since King Robertâs death. The ugly political infighting that followed his death had cast a dark and violent shadow over political relations with Provence. To understand her reaction to King Robertâs death and her understanding of its implications, we have to listen closely. We ought to consider the stories that Bertranda chose to share not as random memories, but as selected stories from a woman who saw and heard a great deal as a member of Delphineâs household.
What we know about Bertranda as a person comes from the inquest and from inference. At the time of Delphineâs inquest, Bertranda was in her sixties, somewhat younger than Delphine, but still of a similar generation. Although her own testimony does not indicate where she was from, another witness referred to her as Lady Bertranda, and still others indicated that she was a member of the lower aristocracy from Puimichel, where Delphineâs family had lived.4 This makes sense for fourteenth-century Provence, where women from the lower aristocracy would serve in the households of powerful women.5 Just as Countess Delphine and other aristocratic women of Provence waited on Queen Sanxia, Bertranda waited on Delphine. We also know from inquest testimony that Bertranda shared Delphineâs commitment to avoiding a worldly lifestyle. Perhaps the strongest indication of this is that Bertranda never married. Instead she moved with Delphine from court to hermitage to convent.
At the time of the inquest, Bertranda was living in the Holy Cross convent in Apt, Provence, where Delphine had had her own room. Bertranda was very ill and could not get out of bed. But she was such an important witness that the papal commissioners, the proctor, and the notaries relocated to her room in order to hear her testimony. Not surprisingly, Bertranda has one of the longest testimonies in Delphineâs inquest. She spoke to forty-eight articles of interrogation, and as she testified, we see a household memberâs perspective of this moment of political transition. Even when she was not present for important events, people of diverse social levels spoke to Bertranda, including King Robert of Naples, noblewomen of Provence, and other household servants.
Bertranda was a significant source of information about other people. In her testimony, Bertranda referred to over seventy-five people, all but a handful of whom she claimed to have spoken to directly or seen in person. Only about a third of these people were other witnesses in Delphineâs inquest in 1363. So Bertrandaâs testimony brought many perspectives into the inquest. When the papal commissioners asked questions such as âWho told you this?â or âWho was there?,â Bertrandaâs answer brought another person into the inquest. And by doing so, she shared their stories of the dangers they faced and how Delphine had helped them.
Twenty people that Bertranda mentioned were people she spoke to in Naples. Although this was a troubled time, Bertrandaâs stories of living in Naples with Delphine were not overly negative. She focused on what she had seen, which was mostly Queen Sanxiaâs household, including miraculous healings and the impact of Delphineâs divinely inspired prayer. There is no sense in her testimony that she was circumscribed by the articles of questioning or limited to formulaic or uniformly positive statements.6 Nor was this like a heresy inquest where a witness like Bertranda might have to speak carefully because peopleâs lives and property were at stake. Bertranda had relative freedom to speak. If there was censorship of content, it was likely self-imposed.
The political and social events of 1363 shaped how Bertranda talked about 1343. Bertranda spoke at a transition pointâa possible end to the troubled relations between Naples and Provence. In 1363, Queen Johanna of Naples was in a new position of political strength. Her second husband, Louis of Taranto, had died, and she was able to act on her own. This was a moment when Queen Johanna could be a powerful support for Delphineâs canonization. And this was not an unlikely idea. Historian GĂĄbor Klaniczay describes Queen Johanna, as part of the Angevin monarchy, as an active supporter of saints, especially those like Delphineâs husband, Elzear de Sabran, who were connected to the Crown.7 Historian Elizabeth Casteen also presents Queen Johanna as supportive of saints, particularly Birgitta of Sweden.8 So overt criticism, while not forbidden to a witness like Bertranda, was not a savvy option for Delphineâs canonization.
But a critique of Queen Johanna gradually emerged, especially in Bertrandaâs answers to the papal commissionersâ questions.9 The stories she chose to tell about 1343 brought events from Johannaâs early reign to mind. Perhaps the strongest critique emerged in what Bertranda did not say. As Bertranda answered commissionersâ questions about who had told her about events or whom she had seen interacting with Delphine, she never named Queen Johanna. Bertranda obviously thought it important to include names. She named seventy-five different people. So her silence is powerful. Bertranda left Queen Johanna out of Delphineâs experience of Naples. As we will see below, this was not an oversight, but a conscious choice.
A more subtle critique of Queen Johanna emerged in how Bertranda spoke about time. The commissioners frequently asked her when an event happened. This is a common question in all types of inquest, but people answered it in different ways.10 Like many medieval witnesses, Bertranda rarely recalled specific years or months. Instead, she dated events in relation to significant events she recalled. In Bertrandaâs case, these events were most often deaths. She organized Delphineâs life events and miracles as coming before, after, or at the same time as significant deaths. The death of Delphine in 1360 was, of course, a fixed point in Bertrandaâs testimony. For example, if she were talking about Delphineâs saintly characteristics, she described them as lasting from when she met Delphine until the time of Delphineâs death. If she described an illness Delphine suffered, she described it as afflicting Delphine until her death. Another important moment of death was the âfirst mortalityââthe prima mortalitas. This is the phrase that many witnesses used to describe the first wave of plague in 1348. It was a fixed point in Bertrandaâs understanding of the past. Bertranda used this phrase five times in her testimony to date other events.11
Both of these significant moments of deathâDelphineâs death and the prima mortalitasâin turn shaped the events that Bertranda described by giving them a positive or negative impression. By placing a miraculous healing before Delphineâs death, for example, she infused Delphineâs life with Godâs grace and the miraculous healing with Delphineâs sanctity. In other words, Godâs grace and the person being healed were linked by Bertrandaâs testimony in the minds of the papal commissioners and anyone who read her testimony. At the same time, the healed person and the event of their healing became infused with Godâs grace. In contrast, by placing an event in the same year as the first mortality or even several years before or after, Bertranda brought the plague to listenersâ minds and permanently linked the first mortality in the recorded testimony to the event she described.12
Bertrandaâs expression of time also emphasized for her audiencesâfrom the papal commissioners to the readers of this bookâthat she was linking her past and present. She might be speaking about 1343 or 1348, but all the events of the intervening years shaped how she described those times in the testimony she gave in 1363. All the moments of danger that emerged in witness testimony weighed on her answers to commissionersâ questions. This is an important point to revisit. While the first part of this book builds a chronological narrative, we must remain aware that witnessesâ perceptions of the past and the ways they described the past were shaped by later events. For Bertranda, who was so very ill in 1363, perhaps death seemed the appropriate way to mark time. But the deaths she spoke of reflected on more than just her own situation. They reflected on the personal and political events she described.
A third significant death, which bears directly on Bertrandaâs presentation of Queen Johanna, appears as a time marker in Bertrandaâs testimony. She used the death of King Robert of Naples to date two events. Both of them, according to Bertranda, occurred shortly before h...