Shakespeare's England

Life in Elizabethan and Jacobean Times

Ron Pritchard, R. E. Pritchard

• Publisher: The History Press
• Year: 2003
• Print ISBN: 9780750932110
• eBook ISBN: 9780750952828
• Topic: History
• Subtopic: European Renaissance History
• Index: History

This is an intriguing and fascinating collection of excerpts from some of the best, wittiest and most unusual sixteenth and seventeenth century writing. Shakespeare's England brings to life the variety, the energy and the harsh reality of England at this time. Providing a fascinating picture of the age, it includes extracts from a wide range of writing, taken from books, plays, poems, letters, diaries and pamphlets by and about Shakespeare's contemporaries. These include William Harrison and Fynes Moryson (providing descriptions of England), Nicholas Breton (on country life), Isabella Whitney and Thomas Dekker (on London life), Nashe (on struggling women writers), Stubbes (with a Puritan view of Elizabethan enjoyments), Harsnet and Burton (on witches and spirits), John Donne (meditations on prayer and death), King James I (on tobacco) and Shakespeare himself.

1

ENGLAND AND THE ENGLISH

This earth, this realm, this England.

Shakespeare, Richard II (1596)

In the sixteenth century, people were interested in ‘perspective’ paintings, in which the subject changed appearance according to the observer’s viewpoint. Likewise, there are different perspectives on the life of these times. One would portray ‘merry England’, an increasing national confidence, the glamour of Court and high fashion, the splendour of great mansions, the power and beauty of the drama, literature and music, the eloquence of religious prose and concern for religious principle, the charm of traditional customs and a relatively lightly populated, bird-rich countryside, and remarkable, energetic and colourful individuals. Another would present a typical third-world developing country, with gross disparities of wealth, with the powerful few plundering the commonwealth, the numerous poor with low life-expectancy, traditional cultural patterns crumbling under the pressure of new and more efficient agricultural and economic practices, inflation outpacing wages, child labour, infectious diseases, religious intolerance and widespread superstition. As in all good perspective paintings, each has its own validity – and may be glimpsed, sometimes between the lines, in this volume’s writings.

The population was starting to grow again, with increasing rapidity, from nearly three million to about four-and-a-half million in Shakespeare’s lifetime. A high birth rate mostly surpassed a high death rate from endemic diseases such as pneumonia and tuberculosis and epidemics of plague, typhus and viral diseases, exacerbated by poor hygiene and periods of acute dearth. Pressure on land and food resources produced a busy land market and sharp increases in land rents and food prices (the price of grain doubled in Shakespeare’s lifetime), while wages and accommodation increased very little.

Traditional hierarchies remained, but were significantly affected by economic change. The great magnates of the aristocracy and upper gentry, a tiny minority owning some 15 to 20 per cent of the land, did well from the sale of Church estates in the 1530s and Crown estates in the 1560s and 1580s; inflation, and the growing cost of the conspicuous consumption, especially of luxury goods, expected of the upper orders, enforced the selling-off of land, while the acquisition of estates by lawyers, successful businessmen, large farmers and even yeomen, opened the way to social promotion into the gentry and governing classes. Smallholders, small tradesmen and poor cottagers did worse; these were very bad times for the urban poor.

Unaccustomed social mobility accompanied geographical mobility, as people moved around from village to village or to town or even (especially) to London, in pursuit of work, accommodation or food. Most people lived in the country, southeast of a line from the Humber to the Severn, working in agriculture or related trades. There were a few moderate-sized towns (around 1600, Norwich numbered some 30,000, Bristol 20,000, Newcastle 16,000), and many little market towns; poor roads discouraged transport, so marketing and service activities were decentralized.

Agriculture was the main activity; here we may note the importance of the cloth industry, though this struggled in the later sixteenth century, as broadcloth (produced mostly in the southwest) declined, while lighter fabrics and worsteds from Essex and Norfolk did better. Stone quarrying increased, to build the ‘prodigy houses’ of the rich; woodburning and charcoal diminished the woodlands, but coal was increasingly mined, and the iron industry expanded in the Weald, South Wales and the Midlands, as did lead (for the houses’ roofs, waterpipes and window-frames), tin and copper (cooking utensils), glass for more windows, and drinking (‘glasses, glasses is the only drinking,’ said Falstaff), and lace for ruffs, cuffs and collars (and starch to stiffen them).

More great houses, and more homelessness; more production, more deprivation; more rich, and more poor; and a general, steady improvement for ‘the middling sort’. As is the way, a great deal of the new techniques, investment and skilled labour that helped in the industrial transformation of early modern England were imported from the more advanced countries (the Netherlands, Flanders, France); but at last, in a process of profound economic, social and cultural change, one of Europe’s more backward countries was catching up.

ENGLAND: THE EARTH, AND THE FULLNESS THEREOF

The air of England is temperate but thick, cloudy and misty, and Caesar witnesseth that the cold is not so piercing as in France. For the sun draweth up the vapours of the sea which compasseth the island, and distils them upon the earth in frequent showers of rain, so that frosts are somewhat rare; and howsoever snow may often fall in the winter time, yet in the southern parts (especially) it seldom lies long on the ground. Also the cool blasts of sea winds mitigate the heat of summer.

By reason of this temper, laurel and rosemary flourish all winter, especially in the southern parts, and in summertime England yields apricots plentifully, musk melons in good quantity, and figs in some places, all which ripen well, and happily imitate the taste and goodness of the same fruits in Italy. And by the same reason all beasts bring forth their young in the open fields, even in the time of winter. And England hath such abundance of apples, pears, cherries and plums, such variety of them and so good in all respects, as no country yields more or better, for which the Italians would gladly exchange their citrons and oranges. But upon the sea coast the winds many times blast the fruits in the very flower.

The English are so naturally inclined to pleasure, as there is no country wherein the gentlemen and lords have so many and large parks only reserved for the pleasure of hunting, or where all sorts of men allot so much ground about their houses for pleasure of gardens and orchards. The very grapes, especially towards the south and west, are of a pleasant taste, and I have said that in some counties, as in Gloucestershire, they made wine of old, which no doubt many parts would yield at this day, but that the inhabitants forbear to plant vines, as well because they are served plentifully and at a good rate with French wines, as for that the hills most fit to bear grapes yield more commodity by feeding of sheep and cattle. . . .

England abounds with sea-coals upon the sea-coast, and with pitcoals within land. But the woods this day are rather frequent and pleasant than vast, being exhausted for fire and with iron-mills, so as the quantity of wood and charcoal for fire is much diminished in respect of the old abundance; and in some places, as in the Fens, they burn turf, and the very dung of cows. Yet in the meantime England exports great quantity of sea-coal to foreign parts. In like sort England hath infinite quantity, as of metals, so of wool and woollen clothes to be exported. The English beer is famous in Netherland and lower Germany, which is made of barley and hops; for England yields plenty of hops, howsoever they also use Flemish hops. . . .

England abounds with corn [wheat], which they may transport, when a quarter (in some places containing six, in others eight, bushels) is sold for twenty shillings, or under; and this corn not only serves England, but also served the English army in the civil wars of Ireland, at which time they also exported great quantity thereof into foreign parts, and by God’s mercy England scarce one in ten years needs supply of foreign corn, which want commonly proceeds of the covetousness of private men, finding great commodity in feeding of sheep and cattle than in the plough (requiring the hands of many servants), can by no law be restrained from turning cornfields into enclosed pastures, especially since great men are the first to break these laws.

England abounds with all kinds of fowl as well of the sea as of the land, and hath more tame swans swimming in the rivers than I did see in any other part. It hath multitudes of hurtful birds, as crows, ravens and kites, and they labour not to destroy the crows consuming great quantity of corn, because they feed on worms and other things hurting the corn. And in great cities it is forbidden to kill kites and ravens, because they devour the filth of the streets. England hath very great plenty of sea and river-fish, especially above all other parts abundance of oysters, mackerel and herrings, and the English are very industrious in fishing, though nothing comparable to the Flemings therein.

Fynes Moryson, An Itinerary (1617)

ROUGH UNEVEN WAYS DRAW OUT OUR MILES

Now to speak generally of our common highways through the English part of our isle (for of the rest I can say nothing), you shall understand that in the clay or cledgy soil they are often very deep and troublesome in the winter half. Wherefore by authority of Parliament an order is taken for their yearly amendment, whereby all sorts of the common people do employ their travail for six days in summer upon the same. And albeit that the intent of the statute is very profitable for the reparations of the decayed places, yet the rich do so cancel their portions, and the poor do so loiter in their labours, that of all the six, scarcely two days’ work are well performed and accomplished in a parish on these so necessary affairs. Besides this, such as have land lying upon the sides of the ways do utterly neglect to ditch and scour their drains and water-courses for better avoidance of the winter waters . . . whereby the streets do grow to be much more gulled [rutted] than before, and thereby very noisome for such as travel by the same. Sometimes also, and that very often, these days’ works are not employed upon those ways that lead from market to market, but each surveyor amendeth such byplots and lanes as seem best for his own commodity and more easy passage unto his fields and pastures. And whereas in some places there is such want of stones as thereby the inhabitants are driven to seek them far off in other soils, the owners of the lands wherein those stones are to be had, and which have hitherto given money to have them borne away, do now reap no small commodity [profit] by raising the same to excessive prices, whereby their neighbours are driven to grievous charges, which is another cause wherefore the meaning of that good law is very much defrauded. Finally, this is another thing likewise to be considered of, that the trees and bushes growing by the streets’ sides do not a little keep off the force of the sun in summer for drying up of the lanes. Wherefore if order were taken that their boughs should continually be kept short, and the bushes not suffered to spread so far into the narrow paths, that inconvenience would also be remedied, and many a slough prove hard ground, that yet is deep and hollow.

Of the daily encroachments of the covetous upon the highways I speak not. But this I know by experience, that whereas some streets within these five and twenty years have been in most places fifty foot broad, according to the law, whereby the traveller might escape the thief, or shift the mire, or pass by the laden cart without damage of himself and his horse, now they are brought unto twelve, or twenty, or six and twenty at the most, which is another cause also whereby the ways be worse, and many an honest man encumbered in his journey. But what speak I of these things whereof I do not think to hear a just redress, because the error is so common, and the benefit thereby so sweet and profitable to many by such houses and cottages as are raised upon the same.

William Harrison, Description of England (1587)

SHALL I NOT TAKE MINE EASE IN MINE INN?

(I)

The world affords not such inns as England hath, either for good and cheap entertainment after the guests’ own pleasure, or for humble attendance on passengers, yea, in very poor villages, where if Curculio of Plautus should see the thatched houses he would fall into a fainting of his spirits, but if he should smell the variety of meats his starveling look would be much cheered. For as soon as a passenger comes to an inn, the servants run to him, and one takes his horse and walks him till he be cold, then rubs him and gives him meat; yet I must say that they are not much to be trusted in this last point, without the eye of the master or his servant to oversee them. Another servant gives the passenger his private chamber, and kindles his fire, the third pulls off his boots and makes them clean. Then the host or hostess visits him, and if he will eat with the host or at a common table with others, his meal will cost him sixpence, or in some places but fourpence (yet this course is less honourable and not used by gentlemen); but if he will eat in his chamber he commands what meat he will, according to his appetite, and as much as he thinks fit for him and his company, yea, the kitchen is open to him, to command the meat to be dressed as he best likes, and when he sits at table, the host or hostess will accompany him, or if they have many guests will at least visit him, taking it for courtesy to be bid sit down. While he eats, if he have company especially, he shall be offered music, which he may freely take or refuse, and if he be solitary, the musicians will give him the good day with music in the morning. It is the custom, and no way disgraceful, to set up part of supper for his breakfast. In the evening, or in the morning after breakfast (for the common sort use not to dine, but ride from breakfast to suppertime, yet coming early to the inn for better resting of their horses), he shall have a reckoning in writing, and if it seem unreasonable, the host will satisfy him, either for the due price or by abating part, especially if the servant deceive him any way, which one of experience will soon find. Having formerly spoken of ordinary expenses by the highway, as well in the particular journal of the first part as in a chapter of this part, purposely treating thereof, I will now only add, that a gentleman and his man shall spend as much as if he were accompanied with another gentleman and his man, and if gentlemen will in such sort join together to eat at one table, the expenses will be much diminished. Lastly, a man cannot more freely command at home than he may do in his inn, and, at parting, if he give some few pence to the chamberlain and ostler, they wish him a happy journey.

Fynes Moryson, An Itinerary (1617)

(II)

If the traveller have an horse, his bed doth cost him nothing, but if he go on foot he is sure to pay a penny for the same; but whether he be horseman or footman, if his chamber be once appointed he may carry the key with him, as of his own house, so long as he lodgeth there. If he loseth aught while he abideth in the inn, the host is bound by a general custom to restore the damage, so that there is no greater security anywhere for travellers than in the greatest inns in England.

Their horses in like sort are walked, dressed and looked unto by certain ostlers or hired servants, appointed at the charges of the goodman of the house, who in hope of extraordinary reward will deal very diligently, after outward appearance, in this their function and calling. Herein nevertheless are many of them blameworthy, in that they do not only deceive the beast oftentimes of his allowance by sundry means, except their owners look well to them; but also make such packs with slipper merchants which hunt after prey (for what place is sure from evil and wicked persons?) that many an honest man is spoiled of his goods as he travelleth to and fro, in which feat also the counsel of the tapsters or drawers of drink, and chamberlains is not seldom behind or wanting.

Certes, I believe that not a chapman or traveller in England is robbed by the way witho...

Table of contents

• Cover
• Half Title
• Title
• Copyright
• Contents
• Acknowledgements
• Introduction
• 1 England and the English
• 2 Women and Men
• 3 House and Home
• 4 Country Life
• 5 Education
• 6 Beliefs
• 7 The Court
• 8 London
• 9 Arts and Pleasures
• 10 Poverty, Crime and Punishment
• 11 Over Seas
• Coda
• Further reading