Over the last few years, a number of adverts on Craigslist and similar sites have illustrated the level of economic desperation people are facing in the long wake of the global financial crisis.1 These ārent-for-sexā listings appear in the accommodation section of the website, typically in cities experiencing rising income inequality, a massive housing shortage and a euthanatized public sphere. Here are some examples:
$1 seeking young female roommate-free stay (Denver)
I recently got out of a very long relationship. I want something very different. Iām looking for a young girl 18ā20 who also wants something different. Maybe you are new here and need help. Or maybe you are getting out of a bad relationship and have nothing. Maybe no job or a shitty job you hate. Maybe you need place to stay, use of a car, new clothes, nice dinners, maybe travel (i love to go to Las Vegas for quick getways) etc.
Contact me and i will let you know what i am looking for in return ā¦
Ā£1 / 1br ā Free single room in flat for Black Woman (London)
This is my fantasy. Lovely room available for a broadminded black lady for 6 months only. A chance for you to save some money as you pay no rent. Iām normal easygoing guy in his 40s. My fantasy is that we live normally, giving you your own space & you let me lick your bumhole once a week. Serious replies with details of age, size & height with photos get first response.
Such rent-for-sex listings have proliferated and are a product of the times. In the dark neoliberal wasteland otherwise known as London, for example, the trend has become acute.2 Successive governments left the task of building new accommodation to the free market, which failed miserably to keep up with demand.3 Moreover, accommodation has suffered from an incredible speculation bubble, where faceless offshore firms (typically based in tax havens) see an easy investment opportunity, increasing rent for everyone else.4 For this reason, the so-called āshortageā of housing can perversely coexist in communities with a large number of empty properties. Couple this with low wages and a personal debt crisis, and itās no wonder some choose to sell their bodies in order to have somewhere to live.
The Age of Rent
Rent-for-sex is an extreme example of exploitation, of course. But it captures a broader mood among those struggling to live in a world that has been privatized to death. Here the market has been left to its own devices Ć la the prescriptions of neoclassical economics and the Chicago School. As a result, a predatory class of private rentiers have emerged. Because the options are so limited for people and they can easily find themselves homeless, tenants are frequently too afraid to complain about damp bedrooms or maltreatment from landlords.5 They are at the mercy of the property owner, a scenario weād expect in some pre-industrial era, rather than 2018.6
A report pinpoints the issue succinctly, identifying characteristics that have increasingly reshaped other institutions too, including work, education and so forth: āit seems astonishing that the private rented sector ⦠has no regulator, no ombudsman and no redress scheme ⦠there are hundreds of thousands of landlords who have not had to pass a test of competence, demonstrate any knowledge of landlord or tenant law, or prove their honesty, financial probity ⦠let alone have any experience of property managementā.7
Thereās always been an informal economy, of course. In poorer countries, global deregulation has seen this sphere grow dramatically, making up a good part of total economic output in some cases.8 And in rich developing countries, the informal employment sector ā consisting of unregistered workers, the black and grey markets and sometimes even slavery ā has been difficult for state officials to eradicate.9
But Iām interested in something slightly different ā namely, understanding why unofficialdom has suddenly become so central to the way mainstream jobs and commerce are organized.
I see it as a by-product of the economic liberalization thatās inspired Western economic policy since the days of Thatcherism and Reaganomics up to the present. In a strange sort of way, the sex-for-rent scenario is a logical outcome of the free market doctrine so ardently embraced by Milton Friedman, Gary Becker and F. A. Hayek, although Iām guessing they wouldnāt want to admit it. For them, central planning by government distorts the equilibrium of supply and demand. The role of figuring out how work, goods and services are distributed should be left to millions of private individuals to grapple with alone. Enterprise and the price mechanism (a.k.a. cash) are far more efficient for allocating resources compared to distant and lethargic state bureaucrats. Moreover, anybody ought to be free to offer any service they like if there is a consumer willing to pay for it. Licences, registration and certification are barriers to open competition and entrepreneurship. If a service turns out bad, we donāt need a government shaking a stick. The customer will simply go elsewhere and the market will automatically correct itself.
In short, why do we need to waste taxpayersā dollars on local housing authorities and government planning agencies when Craigslist can far more effectively distribute those plentiful spare bedrooms in London, Chicago or Glasgow? All at the touch of a button ⦠and perhaps a little more besides, as the listings above indicate.
Land of Strangers?
This brand of unregulated, almost secretive, individualism is a key ideological driver behind the widespread Uberization of society weāve witnessed over the last few years. This is where workers, for example, are deemed independent business owners, a logic that has also been embraced by the so-called āsharing economyā and what some have dubbed āplatform capitalismā.10 However, thereās a significant divergence between the academic models of free market capitalism (as envisaged by the neoclassical and mainstream economic tradition inaugurated by the Chicago School) and their messy, real-world implications. According to Hayek, for example, free market capitalism is great because it anonymizes and depersonalizes the actors involved.11 Complete strangers can come together and trade goods and services and then depart. Thereās no complicated baggage or hang-ups involved. At the end of the day, business is business.
As we mentioned in the Introduction, Hayek considered this a good thing because money apparently blinds us to the particular āwhomā behind the transaction, solving a lot of problems in relation to favouritism and bias. Here, there are no personal whims or prejudice to contend with, which Hayek connected with government bureaucrats prone to cronyism and special interest groups (workers, the disabled and racial minorities are singled out, rather than corporatesponsored think tanks, of course). Due to the emphasis placed on cash anonymity, critics of neoliberal capitalism have lamented the veritable social desert that subsequently evolves, an unwelcoming āland of strangersā that recognizes only the colour of your money and very little else.12
But, as the rent-for-sex example illustrates, this cold cash nexus might certainly be transactional and calculating, but itās not anonymous. Sex (and god knows what else) is being exchanged, after all. While the ālive-in bi playthingā (to quote yet another Craigslist ad) appreciates itās all just an economic arrangement, she must still engage with a massive amount of personal and arbitrary judgement. To a lesser extent, the same blend of cash objectivity and arbitrary discrimination is experienced in many facets of the economy. The agency worker in a bar, for example, feels the need to ingratiate herself with the boss in order to get another shift. The Uber driver seeks a high rating from a passenger. Or take the corporate employee who feels compelled to spend hours in the company gym listening to a sup...