1
Introduction
Stephen Bass, Hannah Reid, David Satterthwaite and Paul Steele
THE FOCUS OF THIS BOOK: THE DYNAMICS OF
POLITICAL CHANGE ON POOR PEOPLE'S ENVIRONMENT
If poverty and environmental problems persist, it is, in large part because poor people and environmental concerns remain marginalized by â and from â sources of power. Poor people are unable to access resources, services and political processes; in effect, they are excluded from the institutions and benefits of wider society. Public environmental goods are appropriated to serve the interests of more powerful private individuals and companies, who keep environmental interest groups on the political margins. As C. S. Lewis pointed out, what we perceive as âman's power over natureâ turns out, invariably, to be the power of some people over others, with nature as its instrument.
Yet, in recent years, we have observed cases where poverty is being reduced at the same time as the environment is being managed more sustainably. Where this occurs, it is frequently because imbalances of power have begun to be corrected. On the surface, this might be attributed to the stormy tactics of an environmental campaigning group, or to the sheer financial power of an external development agency. Below the surface, however, there are multiple currents that contribute to the sea change. Together, they can turn the tide from one where stakeholders complain that âthere is no political willâ, to one where stakeholders realize that political will can be changed, for the better, by their own actions.
This book seeks to understand the dynamics of political change for achieving pro-poor environmental outcomes on the ground. The main themes addressed include the following:
- Broadening the definition of poverty beyond conventional income-based or consumption-based criteria highlights the importance of poverty-environment linkages. It reveals many environment-related entry points for poverty reduction, especially for strengthening poor people's livelihoods through greater access to natural resources and environmental services and for reducing environmental health risks.
- âGood local governanceâ is central to improving environmental management and reducing poverty, as well as to their successful integration. A key part of this good governance is effective and representative local (village or community) organizations that are often distinct from formal government structures.
- It is difficult for âexternalâ groups â whether they are national governments, donor agencies or even large non-governmental organizations (NGOs) â to really understand and support pro-poor political and governance changes.
- Actions to address environmental problems can be effective entry points for political and governance changes.
An understanding of these themes is best gained from particular case studies. Although there is a considerable body of research on the links between poverty and environment, perhaps too little attention has been given to politics â although this is beginning to change. Over the last decade, discussions of natural resource degradation have shifted from a concern over resource availability to a concern over who controls resources (Forsyth et al, 1999). There has been a comparable shift in discussions of how to reduce poverty â away from the focus on changing outcomes (hunger, disease, inadequate income, etc.) to changing the underlying causes of these outcomes in each locality (inadequate asset bases, including access to land and other resources; poor people's lack of political voice; anti-poor, undemocratic and unaccountable governance; inadequate protection of civil and political rights; etc.; see Chambers, 1995). Indeed, since most poverty and environmental degradation has political underpinnings, so, too, will most effective poverty reduction initiatives and good environmental management. This book presents ten case studies that analyse these issues in very different contexts.
THE CASE STUDIES: POLITICAL CHANGE IN AFRICA, ASIA AND LATIN AMERICA AND THE CARIBBEAN
Table 1.1 lists the case studies included in Chapters 2 to 11. Most of them centre on integrating âpro-poorâ aspects within environmental management (for example, the Working for Water programme in South Africa, the Bioplan in Colombia, coastal resource management in Saint Lucia, several projects in China, and reforms in the environmental management institutions of East Africa). Three focus on integrating better environmental management within interventions aimed at reducing poverty (the community toilets in Indian cities, the village organizations in northern Pakistan, and many of the municipally supported community initiatives in Ilo, Peru). Two studies reflect on the extent to which donor and government initiatives failed to support poverty reduction or better environmental management (Usangu in Tanzania and the Hadejia Nguru wetlands in northern Nigeria).
Table 1.1 The case studies
| The case studies | Region or nation | Main focus | Main actors |
| Chapter 2: âCreating space for civil society in an impoverished environment in Pakistanâ | Northern areas of Pakistan | Programme to support local partlcipatory institutions develop and sustain local natural resources | Village organizations; support from Aga Khan Rural Support Programme |
| Chapter 3: The Bioplan: Decreasing poverty in Manizales through shared environmental management | Manizales, Colombia | Preparatlon and Implementatlon of a city-wlde environmental plan | Municipal government, local university and community organizations |
| Chapter 4: âEnvlronment-poverty linkages: Managing natural resources in Chinaâ | Various regions in China | Review of donor experience in establishing links between environmental improvements and poverty reduction | Village committees and assemblies, as well as donors |
| Chapter 5: The evolving roles of environmental management institutions in East Africa: From conservation to poverty reductionâ | East Africa | Changes needed in environmental management institutions to make them more effective in combining poverty reduction and natural resource management | Institutions with responsibility for environmental management |
| Chapter 6: âStories on the environment and conflict from northern Nigeriaâ | Hadejia Nguru wetlands in northern Nigeria | How environmental change was primarily driven by external groups and investments, which impoverished many local groups and caused local conflicts | Farmers, pastoralists and those who fish, and their interactions with local government and external institutions |
| Chapter 7: The sea is our garden: Coastal resource management and local governance in the Caribbeanâ | Coastal Saint Lucia | âPro-poorâ coastal resource management | Diverse resource users and local authorities |
| Chapter 8: ââWorking for Waterâ in a democratic South Africaâ | South Africa | Employment creation programme to clear invasive species for water management and provide benefits for low-income groups | Government agency and groups contracted to manage project |
| Chapter 9: âPeople, perspectives, and reality: Usangu myths and other storiesâ | Usangu region in Tanzania | How diagnoses of what was wrong and what needed to be done were driven by politics, includlng interests external to the region | National and local governments, as well as various international agencies |
| Chapter 10: âCommunity-designed, built Mumbai, Pune and and managed toilet blocks in Indian citiesâ | Mumbai, Pune and other cities in India | Improving provision for toilets and water in âslumsâ | Community-based organizations formed by the urban poor, as well as municipal authorities |
| Chapter 11: âConcertaciĂłn (reaching agreement) and planning for sustainable development in Ilo, Peruâ | Ilo, Peru | The methods and means by which elected urban authorities addressed environmental issues | Municipal government, neighbourhood organizations and local NGOs |
The case studies were selected to offer diversity in terms of the nation and the kind of settlement where they were implemented (e.g. large city, smaller urban centre, rural area and small island), the economy (predominantly agricultural, industrial and service economies), the nature of the intervention and the main actors or drivers (from international agency, to national agency, local government, local NGO or community-based organization). International agencies had a role in most case studies, although in some this role was very minor both in terms of funding and in designing the initiatives described.
The selection began with suggestions from the UK government's Department for International Development (DFID) of DFID-supported projects that had managed to bring both environment and poverty reduction in from the political margins. Their authors are principally DFID staff and consultants involved in these interventions (including academics and staff from NGOs). Further studies were proposed by IIED, principally to widen the range of experiences to urban areas and to Latin America, and to broaden the types of author. The latter is important since perception of political change can be as âpoliticalâ as the change itself. The resulting set of case studies offers views from a range of stakeholders â government officials, donors, academics and NGOs â based in the countries themselves and from high-income countries.
Even if single âprojectsâ or âinterventionsâ appeared to be the most important element in tackling poverty and environmental issues, the authors were encouraged to look behind and beyond them. They were challenged to situate political change in the broader social, political and economic context where it takes place and to look outside the artificial boundaries that donor institutions tend to create. It is to this broader context we now turn.
THE CHANGING POLITICAL CONTEXT
Major political changes are underway in many of the case study countries. These changes include civil conflict and unrest â still ongoing in some countries (such as Peru, Colombia and Pakistan) and recently ended in others (Nigeria, South Africa and parts of East Africa). Conflict casts a long shadow over all aspects of the development process â and resource use and environmental policy are no exception. Many countries, at the national level, have experienced some moves towards greater democracy and accountability (e.g. South Africa, Tanzania, Nigeria and Peru) but some have moved away from these (Pakistan). This has had major implications for who is able to access public benefits, such as environmental services. However, the extent to which these national trends have led to pro-poor changes in different regions and localities is very country specific. Local-level government remains weak in most countries, but in others it has been gaining more power during recent years (e.g. Saint Lucia, Colombia and India). In many countries, the private sector has come to take a more active role in development and environmental management (e.g. East Africa and Saint Lucia), while in other countries, the state remains dominant (especially China). Civil society, represented by many types of organizations, is also becoming more active in many countries â improving poor people's own possibilities to organize themselves and represent their interests (e.g. India, Peru, East Africa and Colombia). In other countries, long-standing civic institutions â often based around faith groups, such as mosques and churches â have important roles. Finally, development agencies are very strong in some countries (e.g. in much of sub-Saharan Africa), but less influential in others, where they have had minor roles in some of the case studies (especially those in Peru and Colombia).
It is the power relationships between these different stakeholders that we focus on â and how the environment interacts with these power relationships (see Diagram 1.1). The relative importance of the different relationships depends upon the stakeholders involved and where they are situated. Thus, in many of the case studies, poor people's involvement with â and perceptions of â formal government are quite limited. For them, the informal institutions that shape their immediate reality seem much more relevant.
MAPPING POWER RELATIONSHIPS: POLITICAL
INFLUENCES AT FOUR LEVELS
The ten case studies each consider the extent to which particular development activities and/or institutional changes have contributed to pro-poor environmental outcomes. All demonstrate a basic point: local and national politics (and, in some cases, regional and global politics), investments, and patterns of tenure and control are major influences on environmental change and on the scale and depth of poverty.1 Diagram 1.1 illustrates the different levels where politics influences the form that donor-funded interventions take, as well as their outcomes.
Level 1 features low-income groups, made up of households and individuals, who face the realities of poverty and environmental deprivation with which this book is concerned. The household and community politics at this level also require consideration.
In level 2, local governments and other local implementers interact with local political, economic and social interests of varying degrees of power and influence, as well as low-income groups.
National government is depicted in level 3, which, particularly during the last 10 to 15 years, has introduced political changes, such as different forms of decentralization and democracy. These changes have powerfully influenced local contexts within most low- and middle-income countries.
Level 4 depicts international actors â in this instance, donor agencies. For all donor agencies, politics partially determines which countries are supported, which sectors are prioritized and what development assistance instruments are used. In all bilateral agencies, politics inevitably affects the extent to which development assistance is insulated from commercial and foreign policy priorities. Changes in government orientation usually bring about changes in this balance. Such factors might be considered less influential for multilateral agencies; but these agencies depend primarily upon rich world governments for their funding base and are supervized by boards dominated by representatives of rich world governments. Thus, political influence is inevitable, even if it is often well hidden. There are many institutional constraints faced by all international agencies, related to thei...