PART I:
A NEW VIEW OF WOMENâS SEXUAL PROBLEMS
A New View of Womenâs Sexual Problems
The Working Group for A New View of Womenâs Sexual Problems
SUMMARY. This document was written by a group of 12 clinicians and social scientists and released at a press conference on October 25, 2000. The first part criticizes current American Psychiatric Association nomenclature for womenâs sexual problems because of false equivalency between men and women, erasing the relational contact of sexuality, and ignoring differences among women. The second part offers guidance for new nomenclature from international sexual rights documents. The third part offers our new classification system. It begins with a woman-centered definition of sexual problems, âdiscontent or dissatisfaction with any emotional, physical, or relational aspect of sexual experience,â and provides four categories of causes: socio-cultural, political, or economic factors, partner and relationship factors, psychological factors, and medical factors. The document is designed for researchers, educators, clinicians, and the public.
[Article copies available for a fee from The Haworth Document Delivery Service: 1-800-HAWORTH. E-mail address: <[email protected]> Website: <http://www.HaworthPress.com> Š
2001 by The Haworth Press, Inc. All rights reserved.] KEYWORDS. Womenâs sexuality, womenâs sexual problems, nomenclature, medicalization, feminist politics
A NOTE ABOUT AUTHORSHIP
This document is presented, slightly reformatted for publication, exactly as it was released in a press conference on October 25, 2000. The authors of this document, The Working Group on A New View of Womenâs Sexual Problems, in alphabetical order, are: Linda Alperstein, MSW, Carol Ellison, PhD, Jennifer R. Fishman, BA, Marny Hall, PhD, Lisa Handwerker, PhD, MPH, Heather Hartley, PhD, Ellyn Kaschak, PhD, Peggy Kleinplatz, PhD, Meika Loe, MA, Laura Mamo, BA, Carol Tavris, PhD, and Leonore Tiefer, PhD.
INTRODUCTION
In recent years, publicity about new treatments for menâs erection problems has focused attention on womenâs sexuality and provoked a competitive commercial hunt for âthe female Viagra.â But womenâs sexual problems differ from menâs in basic ways which are not being examined or addressed.
We believe that a fundamental barrier to understanding womenâs sexuality is the medical classification scheme in current use, developed by the American Psychiatric Association [APA] for its Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Disorders (DSM) in 1980, and revised in 1987 and 1994. It divides (both menâs and) womenâs sexual problems into four categories of sexual âdysfunctionâ: sexual desire disorders, sexual arousal disorders, orgasmic disorders, and sexual pain disorders. These âdysfunctionsâ are disturbances in an assumed universal physiological sexual response pattern (ânormal functionâ) originally described by Masters and Johnson in the 1960s (Masters and Johnson, 1966, 1970). This universal pattern begins, in theory, with sexual drive, and proceeds sequentially through the stages of desire, arousal, and orgasm.
In recent decades, the shortcomings of the framework, as it applies to women, have been amply documented (Tiefer, 1991; Basson, 2000). The three most serious distortions produced by a framework that reduces sexual problems to disorders of physiological function, comparable to breathing or digestive disorders, are:
1. A false notion of sexual equivalency between men and women. Because the early researchers emphasized similarities in menâs and womenâs physiological responses during sexual activities, they concluded that sexual disorders must also be similar. Few investigators asked women to describe their experiences from their own points of view. When such studies were done, it became apparent that women and men differ in many crucial ways. Womenâs accounts do not fit neatly into the Masters and Johnson model; for example, women generally do not separate âdesireâ from âarousal,â women care less about physical than subjective arousal, and womenâs sexual complaints frequently focus on âdifficultiesâ that are absent from the DSM (cf. Frank, Anderson, and Rubinstein, 1978; Hite, 1976; Ellison, 2000).
Furthermore, an emphasis on genital and physiological similarities between men and women ignores the implications of inequalities related to gender, social class, ethnicity, sexual orientation, etc. Social, political, and economic conditions, including widespread sexual violence, limit womenâs access to sexual health, pleasure, and satisfaction in many parts of the world. Womenâs social environments thus can prevent the expression of biological capacities, a reality entirely ignored by the strictly physiological framing of sexual dysfunctions.
2. The erasure of the relational context of sexuality. The American Psychiatric Associationâs DSM approach bypasses relational aspects of womenâs sexuality, which often lie at the root of sexual satisfactions and problemsâe.g., desires for intimacy, wishes to please a partner, or, in some cases, wishes to avoid offending, losing, or angering a partner. The DSM takes an exclusively individual approach to sex, and assumes that if the sexual parts work, there is no problem; and if the parts donât work, there is a problem. But many women do not define their sexual difficulties this way. The DSMâs reduction of ânormal sexual functionâ to physiology implies, incorrectly, that one can measure and treat genital and physical difficulties without regard to the relationship in which sex occurs.
3. The levelling of differences among women. All women are not the same, and their sexual needs, satisfactions, and problems do not fit neatly into categories of desire, arousal, orgasm, or pain. Women differ in their values, approaches to sexuality, social and cultural backgrounds, and current situations, and these differences cannot be smoothed over into an identical notion of âdysfunctionââor an identical, one-size-fits-all treatment.
Because there are no magic bullets for the socio-cultural, political, psychological, social or relational bases of womenâs sexual problems, pharmaceutical companies are supporting research and public relations programs focused on fixing the body, especially the genitals. The infusion of industry funding into sex research and the incessant media publicity about âbreakthroughâ treatments have put physical problems in the spotlight and isolated them from broader contexts. Factors that are far more often sources of womenâs sexual complaintsârelational and cultural conflicts, for example, or sexual ignorance or fearâare downplayed and dismissed. Lumped into the catchall category of âpsychogenic causes,â such factors go unstudied and unaddressed. Women with these problems are being excluded from clinical trials on new drugs, and yet, if current marketing patterns with men are indicative, such drugs will be aggressively advertised for all womenâs sexual dissatisfactions.
A corrective approach is desperately needed. We propose a new and more useful classification of womenâs sexual problems, one that gives appropriate priority to individual distress and inhibition arising within a broader framework of cultural and relational factors. We challenge the cultural assumptions embedded in the DSM and the reductionist research and marketing program of the pharmaceutical industry. We call for research and services driven not by commercial interests, but by womenâs own needs and sexual realities.
SEXUAL HEALTH AND SEXUAL RIGHTS: INTERNATIONAL VIEWS
To move away from the DSMâs genital and mechanical blueprint of womenâs sexual problems, we turned for guidance to international documents. In 1974, the World Health Organization [WHO] held a unique conference on the training needs for sexual health workers. The report noted: âA growing body of knowledge indicates that problems in human sexuality are more pervasive and more important to the well-being and health of individuals in many cultures than has previously been recognized.â The report emphasized the importance of taking a positive approach to human sexuality and the enhancement of relationships. It offered a broad definition of âsexual healthâ as âthe integration of the somatic, emotional, intellectual, and social aspects of sexual beingâ (WHO, 1975).
In 1999, the World Association of Sexology, meeting in Hong Kong, adopted a Declaration of Sexual Rights (Ng, Borras-Valls, Perez-Conchillo, and Coleman, 2000). âIn order to assure that human beings and societies develop healthy sexuality,â the Declaration stated, âthe following sexual rights must be recognized, promoted, respected, and defendedâ:
⢠The right to sexual freedom, excluding all forms of sexual coercion, exploitation and abuse;
⢠The right to sexual autonomy and safety of the sexual body;
⢠The right to sexual pleasure, which is a source of physical, psychological, intellectual and spiritual well-being;
⢠The right to sexual information ⌠generated through unencumbered yet scientifically ethical inquiry;
⢠The right to comprehensive sexuality education;
⢠The right to sexual health care, which should be available for prevention and treatment of all sexual concerns, problems, and disorders.
WOMENâS SEXUAL PROBLEMS: A NEW CLASSIFICATION
Sexual problems, which The Working Group on A New View of Womenâs Sexual Problems defines as discontent or dissatisfaction with any emotional, physical, or relational aspect of sexual experience, may arise in one or more of the following interrelated aspects of womenâs sexual lives.
I. SEXUAL PROBLEMS DUE TO SOCIO-CULTURAL, POLITICAL, OR ECONOMIC FACTORS
A. Ignorance and anxiety due to inadequate sex education, lack of access to health services, or other social constraints:
1. Lack of vocabulary to describe subjective or physical experience.
2. Lack of information about human sexual biology and life-stage changes.
3. Lack of information about how gender roles influence menâs and womenâs sexual expectations, beliefs, and behaviors.
4. Inadequate access to information and services for contraception and abortion, STD prevention and treatment, sexual trauma, and domestic violence.
B. Sexual avoidance or distress due to perceived inability to meet cultural norms regarding correct or ideal sexuality, including:
1. Anxiety or shame about oneâs body, sexual attractiveness, or sexual responses.
2. Confusion or shame about oneâs sexual orientation or identity, or about sexual fantasies and desires.
C. Inhibitions due to conflict between the sexual norms of oneâs subculture or culture of origin and those of the dominant culture.
D. Lack of interest, fatigue, or lack of time due to family and work obligations.
II. SEXUAL PROBLEMS RELATING TO PARTNER AND RELATIONSHIP
A. Inhibition, avoidance, or distress arising from betrayal, dislike, or fear of partner, partnerâs abuse or coupleâs unequal power, or arising from partnerâs negative patterns of communication.
B. Discrepancies in desire for sexual activity or in preferences for various sexual activities.
C. Ignorance or inhibition about communicating preferences or initiating, pacing, or shaping sexual activities.
D. Loss of sexual interest and reciprocity as a result of conflicts over commonplace issues such as money, schedules, or relatives, or resulting from traumatic experiences, e.g., infertility or the death of a child.
E. Inhibitions in arousal or spontaneity due to partnerâs health status or sexual problems.
III. SEXUAL PROBLEMS DUE TO PSYCHOLOGICAL FACTORS
A. Sexual aversion, mistrust, or inhibition of sexual pleasure due to:
1. Past experiences of physical, sexual, or emotional abuse.
2. General personality problems with attachment, rejection, co-operation, or entitlement.
3. Depression or anxiety.
B. Sexual inhibition due to fear of sexual acts or of their possible consequences, e.g., pain during intercourse, pregnancy, sexually transmitted disease, loss of partner, loss of reputation.
IV. SEXUAL PROBLEMS DUE TO MEDICAL FACTORS
Pain or lack of physical response during sexual activity despite a supportive and safe interpersonal situation, adequate sexual knowledge, and positive sexual attitudes. Such problems can arise from:
A. Numerous local or systemic medical conditions affecting neurological, neu...