Introduction
Patients suffering Dissociative Identity Disorder (DID) and allied conditions frequently manifest problematic sexual behaviors. These may persist in the face of DID patientsâ clear (but usually rapidly rationalized, denied, and/or dissociated) appreciations of their deleterious consequences. Ranging from mild to quite severe, they may remain refractory to the advices, injunctions, and insights of concerned others and/or mental health professionals. They include disorders of diminished desire and/or aversion; conflicted gender and sexual identities (Stoller, 1973); activities ordinarily classified as perversions (Brenner, 1996); and/or powerfully driven pressures to enact particular sexual scenarios and/or actualize pressures to activate particular patterns of sexual behaviors under particular circumstances (often accompanied with claims that such scenarios/practices are necessary, undertaken without misgivings or conflicts, and in some instances, experienced as immensely pleasurable and satisfying).
Here I will discuss the powerful pressures experienced by a small minority of dissociative women to engage others in sexual activities, even at the cost of disrupting their adult lives and/or their psychotherapeutic encounters. My perspectives are drawn from the study and treatment of women with DID. Some perspectives advanced here are admittedly speculative, presented as food for thought at a moment in time when biological aspects of trauma and the trauma response are subjects of increasing interest.
Novel contributions to the understanding of complex phenomena are merely new chapters in a long, long book, much of which remains to be written. This âchapterâ both looks back over 44 years of clinical experience and forward toward developments in branches of molecular biology still in their infancy.
I have spent over four decades working with victims of sexually-exploitive therapists, clergy, and similar figures of authority. I have also worked with offenders. This body of experience has convinced me that the highly censored and politically correct vagueness customary in discussing such situations, the understandable emphasis on the unwanted consequences to the victim, and the unfortunately perfunctory attention paid to the second party apart from condemnation, together contribute to an unfortunate overall failure to communicate the complexity, urgency, and intensity of what might have transpired within the context of the clinical encounter.
Professionals who respond to sexual provocations, however extreme, are indisputably in the wrong. But too often the rapid attribution of blame preempts potentially informative study of what transpired in the minds and actions of both individuals and the occurrences within the relational dyad antecedent to, during, and subsequent to boundary violations. Neither an avoidance of the potentially prurient, militant defense of the victim, nor passionate excoriation of the perpetrator promotes nuanced understanding.
Antecedents to such transgressions are studied by psychoanalysts (e.g., Celenza, 2007; Gabbard, 1995; Gabbard & Lester, 1995). However, among traumatologists, similar explorations of the relational contexts of such incidents are often derailed by strident sexual politics. Recently I presented the same clinical material to psychoanalytic and trauma meetings only months apart. The former group was receptive, but among the latter some rapidly adopted a hostile attitude, accusing me of misogyny quite early in my presentation.
Withholding detailed descriptions to appease those who find them odious squanders educational opportunities advantageous to the welfare of actual and potential victims of exploitation. Three examples follow.
First, assuming the desirability of reducing mental health professionalsâ misunderstanding and/or making inappropriate responses to such provocations, and of enhancing their sensitivity to such behaviors, from subtle to extreme, it seems wise to provide them with anticipatory socialization and desensitization, reducing the likelihood of dysfunctional therapist behaviors. In 1971, before my residency group was either taught the rudiments of sex therapy or assigned actual sex therapy patients, we were required to spend two full days watching and discussing tapes of incredibly intimate and detailed sexual acts of all varieties in order to deprive these acts of their potentials for prurience, shock, and arousal. Thereafter, we could view and/or listen to clinical material involving such activities with minimal countertransferential arousal/distress responses.
Second, cliniciansâ failures to explore these materials openly may increase the likelihood that their first intense and overt exposures to such provocations may find them unprepared, vulnerable to becoming over-stimulated, deskilled, and overwhelmed.
Third, an aversion to exploring these situations denies the clinician the vicarious opportunity to learn from others how to see such situations begin to emerge, anticipate the likely next steps, and nip them in the bud. Luborskyâs symptom context studies (Luborsky & Auerbach, 1969; Luborsky & Mintz, 1974) demonstrated that the triggers for symptoms emerging in sessions can usually be found in a transferential reference within the several hundred words antecedent to the onset of the symptoms. I use this method to identify and interdict as many of these episodes as possible.
Given that the small minority of patients to whom I refer often express an inability to control their sexual behaviors, I will characterize such circumstances, and ask if we can attempt to understand driven, compulsive, dysfunctional sexual enactments as determined, in some instances, at least in part, by more or less involuntary neuropsychobiological phenomena. Finally, I will share what I have learned about the psychotherapeutic management of unwanted sexual provocations in the consulting room.
Preliminary considerations
My interest in the driven dysfunctional sexuality of DID patients began with a patient who reported abuses so similar to those described in Sybil (Schrieber, 1973) that I assumed she had read the book, notwithstanding her denial. Astonishingly, both parents confirmed her allegations. Her mother assured me that she had been psychotic when she mistreated her daughter. Now she knew she suffered paranoid schizophrenia and took her medication conscientiously. Her father explained he had not intervened because raising children was âthe womenâs work.â
Perhaps preoccupied by processing the acknowledged maternal brutality, our work had not addressed her claims of sexual abuse by a male relative, or perhaps I overlooked relevant indicators. One evening I did not recognize the individual sitting in my waiting room, wearing a clinging, low-cut âlittle black dress.â Assuming she was someone elseâs patient, I had turned to leave the room before she called out, âAfraid of me, Doc? I donât bite!â
Thus began my first encounter with a flagrant, over the top sexually aggressively alter presenting me with a confrontational, provocative, and challenging seductive relational field. I had never understood why my patient had been fired from a series of demanding jobs. Soon it became clear she had repeatedly seduced her immediate supervisors so flamboyantly that her resignation was demanded.
I had been taught that if a person incessantly repeats a behavior, however dysfunctional, something within that person was driven to bring these recurrences about; that is, at some level (conscious, unconscious, or both) the person âwantedâ such outcomes, or was compelled to repeat problematic behaviors in the service of mastery. Yet when I tried to interpret such understandings to my first traumatized dissociative patients, anger, mortification, self-harm, suicidal impulses, and even suicide attempts/overdosing to drive away pain, were not uncommon. I rapidly arrived at the then-controversial conclusion that such lines of thinking situated both blame and shame within the victim in a rather simple-minded and unproductive manner (Kluft, 2016).
In 1973â1974, there was much to learn, but little guidance or precedent.
The literatures of trauma and dissociation had yet to flower. In desperation, I began to study revictimization. It would be years before the burgeoning literature of feminist thinkers and the contributions of early explorers of therapist/patient sexual exploitation (e.g., Gartrell, Herman, Olarte, Feldstein, & Localio, 1987; Herman, 1981; Pope & Bouhoutsos, 1986) would become available. My early efforts taught me only that such situations were best approached by applying the empathic and interpretive perspectives of Kohut (1971, 1977), with attention to selfobject transferences.
In studying a cohort of men and women who had experienced therapistâpatient sexual exploitation, I found that all proved to be victims of parentâchild incest and suffered diagnosable dissociative disorders (Kluft, 1989, 1990). Of course, the unlikely conjunction of these three factors was a sampling artifact due to my referral streams at the time rather than a firm basis for more general understanding.
I was forced to reconsider the role of classical Oedipal dynamics. Had Oedipal triumph fixated these male and female patients into a repetitive pattern of seducing/accepting seduction by authority figures, such as therapists, physicians, clergymen, and the like? Clinical experience demonstrated diverse rather than uniform dynamics at play. Pope and Bouhoutsos (1986) published a complex list of dynamic formulations, to which I added some others (Kluft, 1989; 1990; see also Celenza, 2007; Gabbard & Lester, 2005). Even when my patientsâ sexualized behaviors demonstrated profound commonalities, their underlying unconscious dynamics showed surprising diversity. My conclusion was that their vulnerability to revictimization resided largely in the persistence of instrumental behaviors that had served these patients well within the contexts of their abusive childhoods, but contributed to recursive cycles of dysfunctional and life-disrupting actions in their adult lives.
The more I worked with traumatized patients the less erotic their expressed sexuality appeared to be. They rarely demonstrated either erotic desire or responsiveness as these terms are normally understood. This contributed to my describing âthe sitting duck syndromeâ (Kluft, 1989, 1990), the perversion of many aspects of normal coping and relatedness, including sexuality, into patterns designed to maximize safety and minimize damage and distress in dangerous and abusive environments.
It was helpful to understand their âsexualâ issues as instrumental, as tactical and strategic enactments in the service of trauma-perverted concepts of safety. But what optimized damage control in environments in which at any second they might become the helpless targets of aggression, sexualized, or otherwise, sabotaged them and diminished their safety in other settings. What created primary gain in abusive settings occasioned substantial secondary loss in others, resulting in ongoing vulnerability to revictimization, compromised object relations, and a diminished quality of life.
The concept of such weaponized sex/instrumental pseudo-erotic behavior as other than genuinely erotic may be easier to grasp when compared with a different but more familiar form of aggressive nonerotic sexual behavior, rape. Rape involves the enactment of sexual behaviors driven by self-gratifying destructive aggression enacted in the service of power, domination, and sadism rather than in the service of mutual affection and shared erotic engagement.
Weaponized sex encompasses a wide and sophisticated array of strategies that utilize sexual behaviors or the implication of possible imminent sexual behaviors to seek safety, to cope with a threatening interpersonal world (and sometimes a world of internalized object relations as well) in which strong unambivalent committed attachments are not firmly established. In weaponized sex, processes and interactions that at first glance appear flagrantly sexual have minimal erotic significance or meaning. Nonetheless, these behaviors (and usually the insistence that they are erotic) are profoundly valued and clung to with desperation as coping and survival strategies.
Clinical encounters with weaponized sex/instrumental pseudo-eroticism
A professional woman from a conservative religious background believed that having angry feelings made a person evil; she deemed this emotion completely unacceptable. After many years of therapy, angry affect began to emerge. Shortly thereafter, she went into an altered state during session, exposed her breasts, and struggled to force my hands upon them. Despite my best countermeasures, this behavior recurred in over a dozen consecutive sessions, always both disremembered and denied. We slowly came to understand that these behaviors expressed both (1) the emergence of an intolerable wish to murder me (her abusive father in the transference); (2) her reenacting defending herself against her homicidal impulses and her fatherâs/my possible reactions to them by offering herself sexually; and (3) erotic feelings toward me. She had dissociated several efforts to kill her brutal father, after which he had nearly beaten her to death. In her contemporary life, this pattern was demonstrated in rapid acquiescence to sexual approaches by powerful men, and in smiling and beginning to unbutton her blouse if a powerful man began to express anger toward her. She never had consensual sex with a lover, but she had become sexually involved with many of the men under whom she had trained or worked, all such experiences banished from memory by amnesia.
My efforts to share my findings about such situations did not fare well in the heated gender-sensitive atmosphere of the 1990s. I was attacked for âblamingâ the patients and âexcusingâ various perpetrators. Few besides my recovered and recovering patients were ready to consider that working with these episodes actually generated non-shaming and effective clinical interventions that restored the health, dignity, and functionality of victimized women, often even allowing them to lay claim to their healthy sexuality for the first time in their lives.
Hence, the importance of providing colleagues with sufficiently detailed illustrations to facilitate the process of bringing the study of this matter out of the shadows and subjecting it to the circumspect thought and study it deserves. Left inadequately characterized and censored beyond recognition under the aegis of political correctness, this important topic can neither be understood nor explored in a meaningful and reasonably objective manner.
Vignette 1
My adolescent friends and I spent years infatuated with one particularly beautiful young woman who would walk along âourâ beach, oblivious to us. She became involved with any number of âbiker types,â but took no notice of us college/professional students. Naturally, we called her âThe Girl from Ipanemaâ after a line from Jobinâs song: âEvery day when she walks to the sea, She looks straight ahead, not at meâ(Jobim, de Moraes, & Gimbel, 1964).
Flash forward 25 years. A new patient was referred by a senior and respected colleague. He ended our conversation w...