Black Families In Crisis

The Middle Class

Alice F. Coner-Edwards, Jeanne Spurlock, Alice F. Coner-Edwards, Jeanne Spurlock

• Publisher: Routledge
• Year: 2014
• Topic: Psychology
• eBook ISBN:
  9781317772606
• Subtopic: Mental Health in Psychology
• Index: Psychology

First published in 1989. The idea for this volume grew out of discussions held by a group of Black psychiatrists based in Washington, D.C., and the responses of a number of colleagues who attended a symposium, Black Families in Crisis, at Howard University Medical Center in November 1985.

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The Black Middle Class: Definition and Demographics

Alice F. Coner-Edwards and Henry E. Edwards

Although racial discrimination and economic isolation continue to be major sources of stress for most Black families, some nonetheless have been able to acquire the requisites for mobility, economic security, and a solid middle-class status (Billingsley, 1968; McAdoo, 1978, 1982). Families in this group have been able to emerge through the narrow "window of opportunity" that exposes them to education, advancement, success, and a sampling of the good life. These families have been able to develop particular maintenance functions or a culture-specific modus operandi for achieving solid middle-class status and for managing ongoing problems and stressors even after stability is achieved. This chapter addresses the specific stressors that confront Black middle-class families, as well as specific strengths, characteristics, or functions that have allowed these families to maintain their stability and status over time. Concepts stated in this chapter may prove useful in designing methodologically rigorous studies of Black middle-class families.

Definition

The Black middle class is a varied and diverse group. The broad Spectrum of income, occupations, and educational levels of lower-middle, middle, upper-middle, and elite middle-class Blacks fosters vastly different lifestyles, employment opportunities, work activities, and types of material acquisition among the middle class.

The most recent Census Bureau data (1980), although dated, amply substantiate the diversity among Black middle-class family income levels. Of 135,569 families assessed in the District of Columbia in 1980, 102,415 were Black. Four percent of these Black families reported income of $50,000 or above. Ten percent reported income in the range of $35,000 to $50,000, and 15% reported in the range of $25,000 to $35,000. These families fall within the middle class based on income. The range in income from $25,000 to above $50,000, however, indicates a diversity in income levels that could tremendously alter lifestyles, material acquisitions, and the like.

The Black middle class is equally diverse in educational backgrounds, with some having completed high school, one to three years of college, four or more years of college, graduate, or professional school, and postdoctoral education. These differences could also affect the lifestyles and other characteristics among the Black middle class.

Diversity exists equally among occupational groups within the Black middle class. These individuals include higher level executives, administrators, and managers; college professors, teachers, and small business owners; and some in technical positions, trades, or skilled positions.

Hill (1982) notes that Congress classifies as middle class all taxpayers with incomes between $20,000 and $50,000. For others, middle-classdom means anyone who makes more than $20,000 per year and less than the "fifty families who own all the wealth in America." Some writers have identified the middle class as having an annual income of $45,000; at the same time, families within the same group have been described as living in neighborhoods with houses that cost more than $200,000. Others associate multimillionaire Blacks with middle-classdom.

Some authors have questioned the process of assigning class standing to Black families, particularly when the instrument utilized emphasizes occupation or income (McAdoo, 1978; McAdoo, 1982; Scanzoni and Scanzoni, 1976; Heiss, 1975). These authors argue that discrimination against Blacks has meant that employment status and income are determined more by race than by educational attainment. Therefore, Blacks are unable to gain employment commensurate with their education. Heiss (1975), in a nationwide study of Blacks and Whites with parity in number of years of education, found a disparity in incomes: Blacks earned less. In studying stress-absorbing systems among the Black middle class, McAdoo (1982) observed lower income for Blacks at all social levels regardless of education or occupation. Like Heiss, McAdoo suggests that this Black economic disparity relates to discrimination in the labor market.

Prompted by the methodological questions raised about class assignment, McAdoo (1982) revised the Hollingshead scale, the primary instrument utilized by social scientists, because of its emphasis on occupation rather than education. Through specific statistical application that gave greater weight to education, McAdoo was able to modify the scoring of socioeconomic status. This revision placed more Blacks in the higher status.

The revision of the process by which Blacks are assigned to the middle class has failed to abate the inconsistencies in explicating Black middle-class status. The concept of social class is value laden, with negative and positive ascriptions to varying statuses. Discrimination, guilt, and other negative reactions can occur in response to this issue. Perhaps the continued debate around the definition of middle-class-dom is rooted in guilt and dishonesty among those "elite" Blacks who are writing about the subject. One who defines oneself as upper class may be perceived as eccentric, egotistical, or condescending. Therefore, it is easier to define everyone as middle class—especially the "elite" Black professional who happens to be writing on the subject. Black middle- and upper-class scholars who can transcend the fears, guilt, and dishonesty around who they are can lead the way to more accurate definition.

The revision of the process of assigning class to Black families, does, however, increase the numbers of occupational categories assigned to the middle class to allow for higher-educated Blacks who remain in lower-level positions because of racial discrimination. This assignment process also expands the diversity of the Black middle class.

The restricted definition of middle-classdom does not account for the diversity found among Black middle-class families; rather, it highlights certain common attributes among the families. Specific characteristics appear to be common in all middle-class families regardless of education, occupation, or income. Moreover, the middle class appears to include two broad categories of families. Rather than focus on the diversity within Black middle-class families, the next section focuses on the common attributes of the two major groups of families.

The Nouveau and Established Black Middle Class

Observing numerous Black middle-class families during the past decade, the authors have identified two primary categories in which these families fall. The first group of families, considered by some scholars as the "nouveau Black middle class," have ascended into the middle class from families of lower socioeconomic status. Usually first-or second-generation middle class, these families have emerged through the window of opportunity to sample the "good life" by their own efforts or the efforts of their families. The nouveau Black middle class often perceive their status to be tenuous and temporary. They generally lack a solid sense of belonging to "middle-classdom" and worry about loss of status or stability.

The second category includes descendants of prominent families with their ascendancy originating at one of two points. The "established Black middle class" includes: (a) descendants of established, prominent Black families whose histories or ties can be traced back several or more generations, often with connections that can be traced to families who were free before the Civil War or were freed during the war; and (b) descendants with connections or blood ties to White families who allowed or even provided special privileges to them. Established Black middle-class families appear to have a solid sense of belonging. They have a deep sense of "having" and a sense of "place" which permit them to be free of worry that they will lose their middle-class status.

Nouveau Black Ascendancy into the Middle Class

Nouveau Black middle-class families have generally placed their "racial status" second to the broader context of their lives. These families develop within a wider spectrum, having reduced the restrictions that would otherwise be placed upon their activities. They accept and buy into many aspects of the cultural activities of the dominant society. There are four primary ways in which these families handle their racial status within the broader context of their lives.

First, many Black families have been unconscious of or have disregarded the vicissitudes and consequences of racial issues as they emerge through the window of opportunity. The resulting setting aside of a primary focus on racial issues has permitted them the education, advancement, success, and advantages of the dominant culture.

It is not uncommon to observe nouveau middle-class Black adults who, for the first time, overtly acknowledge the fact of racial discrimination and the resulting social ills. When racial issues have been set aside temporarily, these Blacks move on to share in those experiences that are not common to the greater numbers of Black Americans. Many who set aside racial issues at one point, however, redirect their interest and energies to racial issues for the reworking process and a movement toward a "positive racial/ethnic identity" (Helm, 1987).

Many Black middle-class families remain acutely aware of the social ills of racial discrimination in society. Most have been the brunt of personal attacks or have suffered the effects of institutional racism, and they are quite angry about these experiences. However, they channel, or sublimate, the angry aggressive feelings into achieving energies. Thus, those Black middle-class families who are aware of and angry about the racial issues but can sublimate those feelings can emerge through the window of educational, advancement, and success opportunities.

The third group of Black families are acutely aware of racial issues arid display tremendous anger, with a focus on their minority standing in society. Enormous energy is used in a defiant stance to achieve middle-classdom. These families are determined to emerge through the window of opportunity despite racial issues and they proceed with boldness, as well as contempt for the dominant society.

Other Blacks have emerged into middle-classdom on the shoulders of their families. Very often these are second-generation middle-class individuals who are supported and pushed along by the consistent strength and drive of a proud family. Without resistance, these individuals moved along quietly at the guidance and encouragement of their family, who responded that each generation must work harder to emerge. Unlike the first three types of emerging families, who respond to an inner locus of control, these individuals emerge passively without much commitment or determination.

Core Characteristics

Common characteristics have been found among the four groups of families who emerge into the middle class. The first characteristic is the implicit or explicit embracing of the dominant culture. Some families who at first glance appear detached, defiant, or exclusive of the dominant society under closer scrutiny can be observed as adopting the values and activities of the dominant culture. Other families are more open and direct in embracing the features ascribed to the dominant society. Whether implicit or explicit, all middle-class families have adopted some distinctive characteristics of the dominant society.

A second characteristic common to all Black middle-class families is belief in the work ethic. Families believe strongly that one can have the advantages afforded by the society. Middle-class Black families believe that they must work hard to achieve this status, and they are willing to work harder to maintain it. These families shun getting by, or laziness. They emerge through the window of opportunity because of their own efforts or those of their families.

Delay of gratification is a third core characteristic. Building on characteristics which allowed them to delay gratification earlier in pursuit of education and career, Black middle-class families continue to place importance on long-range planning (to build an estate, or an investment portfolio, or to buy their dream house or travel around the world). At the same time, they are enjoying the benefits of their attainments at the moment.

A fourth characteristic is a strong sense of self and empowerment. Emergence through the window of opportunity despite great odds is proof of the solidarity of the Black middle-class family. Having proved themselves, these families demonstrate more pride, self-esteem, and generally a "have" rather than a "have-not" mentality. Their minority status takes a relative, rather than a pervasive, position in their lives. Middle-class families have consistently demonstrated that they have what it takes to get what they want. This basic "having" what it takes, not the material "having," translates into empowerment and a strong sense of self.

A fifth common characteristic is a sense of importance in the fact of their Blackness. Contrary to the opinions of those who accuse middle-class Blacks of denying their heritage, these families tend to embrace their heritage and to show a strong sense of pride in themselves. This pride results, in part, from the fact of their Blackness. Composed of very special individuals within the wider society, Black middle-class families have been able to attain comparable, sometimes higher, levels relative to other groups. Against great odds, these families have been able to emerge through the window of opportunity relatively unscarred.

Another characteristic that has been found to be present in Black middle-class families is the quality of life pursuits. Every middle-class family has been able to advance beyond Maslow's (1954) basic survival needs and is involved in pursuits that will enhance the quality of life. The family members are engaged in a broader range of activities, all of which are directed toward improving the quality of life.

Psychological Consequences of Black Middle-Class Status

There can be major psychological consequences generated by the achievement of solid middle-class status. Identity confusion is not uncommon. As they partake of the activities of the dominant culture, Black middle-class families also desire acceptance by Blacks who have not achieved such status. Some Blacks are never able to become completely comfortable in either world. Others find themselves less involved in activities in the Black communities as they become more affiliated with the dominan...

Table of contents

• Cover
• Title
• Copyright
• Foreword
• Contents
• Acknowledgments
• Contributors
• Preface
• 1. The Black Middle Class: Definition and Demographics
• INTRODUCTION TO PART I. THE WORLD OF WORK
• INTRODUCTION TO PART II. MALE-FEMALE RELATIONSHIPS
• INTRODUCTION TO PART III. PARENTING
• INTRODUCTION TO PART IV. EDUCATIONAL ISSUES
• INTRODUCTION TO PART V. HEALTH AND ILLNESS
• INTRODUCTION TO PART VI. TREATMENT
• Afterword
• Name Index
• Subject Index