Weāve just scratched the surface. But let us just say that there are multiple, often contradictory ā even highly contested ā ideas regarding what constitutes Gerontology. Another way into this question is to take a look at the complex and multifaceted phenomenon upon which Gerontologists focus: human aging in adulthood.
FOCUS ON ADULT AGING, LATER LIFE, AND OLD AGE
While human beings ā and all living organisms ā begin aging from the moment they come into existence, and while Gerontology acknowledges aging as a life-course experience, Gerontology focuses primarily on the issues of adult aging, later life, and old age. But there are some important questions we need to ask before we can even land upon a provisional definition of these terms. For starters, what do we mean by āadult agingā? If aging is a condition of living, what distinguishes aging in adulthood from aging at other points in the life-course? A related set of questions has to do with the origins of and markers for ālater lifeā ā a stage in the life-course ā and āold age,ā an individual and social status. Put another way, when does adult aging begin, when do we become an āold person,ā and when does one enter ālater lifeā?
So, those are some important questions we might want to ask about the focus of Gerontology. Weāll be saying more ā a lot more ā about that later. But there are parallel questions we might ask about the people who are doing the work of Gerontology: Gerontologists.
What do Gerontologists think they are doing when they are doing Gerontology? What makes Gerontology different from other academic disciplines and fields of study and practice? (That is, in what essential ways is Gerontology distinct from other related disciplines and fields, such as Geriatrics, psychology, sociology, social work, etc.?) How do we know Gerontology is being done when we see it? What are the questions, issues, and problems around which Gerontology organizes and institutionalizes itself? How are these questions, issues, and problems quintessentially gerontological rather than something else? How do you know a Gerontologist when you āseeā one?
Here are some of the questions, issues, and problems that preoccupy Gerontologists:
⢠Gerontologists seek explanations for the causes of aging. Specifically, in Gerontology we want to understand what changes happen to all members of the human species, no matter what, as a consequence of the aging process. These changes are often referred to as ānormal agingā and āintrinsic aging.ā As human beings travel through the life-course and grow older, what changes can be expected to occur as a result of normal, intrinsic aging processes, regardless of the historical, social and cultural contexts in which persons are aging?
⢠Gerontologists want to be able to tease apart ānormal agingā processes from diseases associated with growing older as well as from the effects of living in a particular environment or engaging in particular lifestyles and activities. For example, is it a normal part of the aging process to develop heart disease, or is heart disease correlated with (or associated with) particular lifestyle habits and genetic predispositions which have a cumulative negative effect over time and are, thus, associated with advancing age?
⢠Gerontologists pursue explanations for how aging processes play out in multiple domains of human experience: body, mind, social world, political economy, and spirit. As well, we wish to understand how aging experiences are both shared and vary between individuals and across individuals living in different historical times, geographic contexts and social spaces.
⢠Gerontologists seek a deeper, richer understanding of how individuals embody, engage, interpret and narrate the complexities and contradictions of their lived experiences of growing older in particular times, places and spaces.
⢠Gerontologists are also concerned with how to improve the lives of older adults through political processes, social and economic policies, and community-based programs and services. In other words, creating new knowledge about adult aging, later life and old age isnāt enough, Gerontologists want to apply this knowledge in the here-and-now in positive, meaningful ways to improve the quality of life and promote the well-being of persons as they age within their families, communities and societies.
I (Jennifer) was having a conversation with a colleague who directs an undergraduate Gerontology program at a large university in the US about the struggles within the field to articulate a shared definition of what constitutes the field. We agreed that it is difficult to make the case about why Gerontology is an important educational and professional focus when the very people who are responsible for producing and disseminating gerontological knowledge are confused about the nature of the field and how best to talk about it. If we donāt have a shared understanding, if not agreement, about what it is we do and why we do it, then how can we expect to continue to nurture and grow the field, as well as communicate with people outside of the field, about what Gerontology is and why it is a worthy and important pursuit? The colleague suggested that perhaps we can understand something about the historical origins and ongoing development of Gerontology by comparing it to a more well-established and well-known discipline: psychology. But I wasnāt so sure that this was the approach to take, though analogies can have heuristic value, serving to highlight not only similarities between things, but their differences as well.
Psychology, like Gerontology, considers itself fundamentally to be a scientific discipline in that there is a commitment to basing the body of psychological knowledge on empirical evidence. While psychology has an organizing and shared focus ā the individual level of analysis ā it is composed of multiple theoretical frameworks, methodological approaches, and foci for inquiry and practice. What holds the diversity of approaches within psychology together, what gives psychology coherence, is the focus on the individual unit of analysis. Of course, the social, cultural, political and historical contexts in which individuals are situated, as well as the influence of biology, are all important factors in psychological research and practice, but they make up the background; in the foreground is the individual and their emotional, intellectual, and behavioral experiences. So far, so good. But what happens when we extend what we know about psychology as a discipline and use it as a template for describing Gerontology?
What Gerontology is and how aging and later life are constructed have much to do with where one stands in terms of their involvement in the field, to such an extent that the outside viewer paying attention may find it difficult reconciling the different problematizations of aging and being an older person. For example, in senior citizen advocacy in the US thereās a history many decadesā long of fighting for the rights of older adults as if the status of being an older adult was, in and of itself, a minority status and that most older individuals are disadvantaged in some way, necessitating political intervention. As another example, Gerontologists working in community-based social service settings, such as social workers and case managers, often address the needs of older adults who are struggling with chronic physical and mental health issues, economic hardship, and other challenges that arenāt necessarily aging issues but which create the causes and conditions for a later life of difficulty.
Given the disparate definitions of Gerontology, and given the complex multifaceted nature of the phenomena at the center of gerontological work, it may be more accurate to describe Gerontology as a professional field that includes practitioners, researchers, educators, policy makers etc. coming from different disciplinary traditions all of whom are committed to understanding, explaining and addressing issues related to adult aging, later life and old age. There are, as such, several related (even nested) dimensions upon which one might describe gerontological work: The disciplinary background from which the individual Gerontologist comes (which has much to do with their education and training ā their socialization process into the field ā as it does the gerontological ānicheā in which they work); within their disciplinary background, the theoretical and/or philosophical commitments that shape how they see the aging phenomena at the center of their work; the context of the work they do as a Gerontologist ā are they a researcher, an educator, a policy maker, a service provider? That is, is the work they do primarily about the construction and dissemination of knowledge about aging phenomena from a gerontological perspective ā research, theory, and teaching ā or about the application of that knowledge in the context of practice? And then there is the specific aging phenomenon or set of phenomena that a particular Gerontologist is interested in understanding more deeply and perhaps developing an explanation for and, hopefully, addressing in some way.
For example, Jenniferās educational preparation for the field of Gerontology included an undergraduate major in psychology and music, and graduate work in multiple Human Sciences disciplines and areas of study: lifespan developmental psychology; critical sociology and anthropology; womenās studies; and Gerontology. While she engaged in applied internships and paid work throughout her undergraduate and graduate education in the areas of long-term care, social services, rural health care, and senior citizen advocacy, her primary focus educationally and then professionally has been on educational Gerontology ā creating and teaching in educational programs and courses focused on the field of Gerontology for both higher education and community settings. Her scholarly work has been on a parallel track, focusing not on scientific research on aging issues but, rather, on the meanings individuals and collectives make of their experiences traveling through the life-course. She specializes in cross-generational interdisciplinary collaborative inquiry, writing and community-based teaching and learning which focuses on questions about what it means to be a human, including what it means to grow older and experience the last phase of oneās life-course.
By comparison and in contrast is Jenniferās colleague A. who focused her educational training at every level on the psychology of aging, specifically on cognitive aging and dementia. A. considers herself to be a āGero-Psychologistā and works in private practice in the community. She specializes in cognitive assessment for older adults and helps them and their families make decisions about medical and long-term care related to the unique and challenging journey of Alzheimerās Disease. She doesnāt conduct research and her primary professional affiliation is as part of the psychological community, and only as an ally to the gerontological community. Yet the work she does is a necessary and important piece of the overall gerontological landscape.
For yet another example, consider L., who doesnāt have any educational training in Gerontology but has worked in long-term care settings for several years. The focus of his job is to support the leisure and educational programming of an assisted living community ā lifelong learning opportunities, tours, and special events. He interacts with older adults every day and, thus, considers himself to be a Gerontologist.
What do these three professional paths in the field of Gerontology have in common? They each focus in one way or another on issues of aging, later life and old age. But the educational background, specific professional context, and particular focus of each path is very distinct, if not unrelated except for the shared focus on aging phenomena in some fashion. In actual fact, there isnāt agreement about what the baseline educational and professional requirements are for being a Gerontologist, though there is an effort in the US, spearheaded by the Association for Gerontology in Higher Education, to establish criteria for Gerontology programs and standardize Gerontology curricula. But in the absence of a unifying paradigm for the field of Gerontology, upon what set of criteria would such standards be predicated?
So, we might ask: What does the world look like through the eyes of a Gerontologist? Do Gerontologists even have enough in common to answer this question? Is there a unitary gerontological lens or, rather, a kaleidoscope composed of multiple lenses? Ferraro, and Neugarten before him, suggests that there is a āgerontological imaginationā that might serve as a unifying framework for the gerontological community. We might ask: What are t...